Jul 13 2018

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver

Marcus Aurelius, Emperor: (161-180 AD) Silver Denarius. Marcus Aurelius (161-180 AD) Silver Denarius, NGC Ch XF. OBVERSE: M ANTONINVS AVG PARTH MAX bare head of Marcus r. REVERSE: TR P XX IMP IIII COS III PAX, Pax standing l. Holding branch and cornucopia. REFERENCE: RIC 159, RF 16-1, 166 AD. SIZE: (3.3 grams, 19mm). Excellent Portrait, rare detailed depiction of Pax standing, toned and well centered! (For demanding collectors) – Certified Authentic NGC Ch XF! Latin: Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; 26 April 121? 17 March 180 AD was Roman Emperor from 161 to 180 AD. He ruled with Lucius Verus as co-emperor from 161 until Verus’ death in 169. Marcus Aurelius was the last of the so-called Five Good Emperors. He was a practitioner of Stoicism, and his untitled writing, commonly known as the Meditations, is the most significant source of the modern understanding of ancient Stoic philosophy. Marcus Aurelius was father to Commodus on of Romes most prolific rulers under Nero and Julius Ceaser. During his reign, the Empire defeated a revitalized Parthian Empire in the East: Aurelius’ general Avidius Cassius sacked the capital Ctesiphon in 164 AD. In central Europe, Aurelius fought the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians with success during the Marcomannic Wars, although the threat of the Germanic tribes began to represent a troubling reality for the Empire. A revolt in the East led by Avidius Cassius failed to gain momentum and was suppressed immediately. Aurelius’ Meditations, written in Greek while on campaign between 170 and 180 AD, is still revered as a literary monument to a philosophy of service and duty, describing how to find and preserve equanimity in the midst of conflict by following nature as a source of guidance and inspiration. International Buyers – Please Note. PLEASE LEAVE A FEEDBACK ON THE eBaySTORE: centroneinvestments FOLLOW & SIGN UP TO OUR NEWSLETTER FOR FUTURE BUSINESS SPECIALS/DISCOUNTS! HAVE A WONDERFUL DAY! (IF THERE IS ANY QUESTIONS OR CONCERNS PLEASE MESSAGE ME BEFORE LEAVING FEEDBACK , We take pride in your satisfaction with our customer service). The item “NGC Ch XF Marcus Aurelius. Exquisite Denarius. Rare Ancient Roman Coin Silver” is in sale since Thursday, July 12, 2018. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “centroneinvestments” and is located in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Country/Region of Manufacture: Italy
  • Certification: NGC
  • Date: AD 161-180
  • Grade: Ch XF
  • Composition: Silver
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius
  • Denomination: Denarius
  • Certification Number: 4282675-006

Jun 27 2018

MARCUS AURELIUS 144AD Rome Authentic Ancient Silver Roman Coin HONOS i65251

MARCUS AURELIUS 144AD Rome Authentic Ancient Silver Roman Coin HONOS i65251

MARCUS AURELIUS 144AD Rome Authentic Ancient Silver Roman Coin HONOS i65251

Item: i65251 Authentic Ancient Coin of. Silver Denarius 18mm (2.99 grams) Rome mint, struck 144 A. 9, 1989, lot 735 AVRELIVS CAESAR P II F, bare head right. COS II, Honos standing to left, holding branch and cornucopiae. In Roman mythology, Honos was the god of chivalry, honor and military justice. He was depicted in art with a lance and a cornucopia. He was sometimes identified with the deity Virtus. And heir of Hadrian. Father-in-law of Lucius Verus. Marcus Aurelius (Latin: Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus ; 26 April 121 – 17 March 180 AD) was Emperor of Rome from 161 to 180. He ruled with Lucius Verus as co-emperor from 161 until Verus’ death in 169. Marcus Aurelius was the last of the so-called Five Good Emperors. He was a practitioner of Stoicism, and his untitled writing, commonly known as Meditations , is a significant source of the modern understanding of ancient Stoic philosophy, and is considered by many commentators to be one of the greatest works of philosophy. During his reign, the Roman Empire defeated a revitalized Parthian Empire in the East: Aurelius’ general Avidius Cassius sacked the capital Ctesiphon in 164. In central Europe, Aurelius fought the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians with success during the Marcomannic Wars, although the threat of the Germanic peoples began to represent a troubling reality for the Empire. A revolt in the East led by Avidius Cassius failed to gain momentum and was suppressed immediately. Persecution of Christians increased during his reign. Aurelius’ Meditations , written in Greek while on campaign between 170 and 180, is still revered as a literary monument to a philosophy of service and duty, describing how to find and preserve equanimity, a state of psychological stability and composure, in the midst of conflict by following nature as a source of guidance and inspiration. His death in 180 is widely cited as the end of the Pax Romana and the increasing instability in the west that followed has traditionally been seen as the beginning of the eventual Fall of the Western Roman Empire. The Statue of Marcus Aurelius (detail) in the Musei Capitolini in Rome. The major sources depicting the life and rule of Marcus Aurelius are patchy and frequently unreliable. The most important group of sources, the biographies contained in the Historia Augusta , claim to be written by a group of authors at the turn of the 4th century AD, but are in fact written by a single author (referred to here as “the biographer”) from the later 4th century c. The later biographies and the biographies of subordinate emperors and usurpers are a tissue of lies and fiction, but the earlier biographies, derived primarily from now-lost earlier sources (Marius Maximus or Ignotus), are much more accurate. For Marcus’ life and rule, the biographies of Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus and Lucius Verus are largely reliable, but those of Aelius Verus and Avidius Cassius are full of fiction. A body of correspondence between Marcus’ tutor Fronto and various Antonine officials survives in a series of patchy manuscripts, covering the period from c. Marcus’ own Meditations offer a window on his inner life, but are largely undateable, and make few specific references to worldly affairs. The main narrative source for the period is Cassius Dio, a Greek senator from Bithynian Nicaea who wrote a history of Rome from its founding to 229 in eighty books. Dio is vital for the military history of the period, but his senatorial prejudices and strong opposition to imperial expansion obscure his perspective. Some other literary sources provide specific detail: the writings of the physician Galen on the habits of the Antonine elite, the orations of Aelius Aristides on the temper of the times, and the constitutions preserved in the Digest and Codex Justinianus on Marcus’ legal work. Inscriptions and coin finds supplement the literary sources. Early life and career. Main article: Early life and career of Marcus Aurelius. Marcus’ family originated in Ucubi, a small town southeast of Córdoba in Iberian Baetica. The family rose to prominence in the late 1st century AD. Marcus’ great-grandfather Marcus Annius Verus (I) was a senator and (according to the Historia Augusta) ex-praetor; in 73-74, his grandfather, Marcus Annius Verus (II), was made a patrician. Verus’ elder son-Marcus Aurelius’ father-Marcus Annius Verus (III) married Domitia Lucilla. Statue of young Marcus Aurelius from a private collection housed in the San Antonio Museum of Art. Lucilla was the daughter of the patrician P. Calvisius Tullus Ruso and the elder Domitia Lucilla. The elder Domitia Lucilla had inherited a great fortune (described at length in one of Pliny’s letters) from her maternal grandfather and her paternal grandfather by adoption. The younger Lucilla would acquire much of her mother’s wealth, including a large brickworks on the outskirts of Rome-a profitable enterprise in an era when the city was experiencing a construction boom. A bust of Marcus Aurelius as a young boy (Capitoline Museum). Anthony Birley, Marcus’ modern biographer, writes of the bust: This is certainly a grave young man. Lucilla and Verus (III) had two children: a son, Marcus, born on 26 April 121 AD, and a daughter, Annia Cornificia Faustina, probably born in 122 or 123 AD. Verus (III) probably died in 124 AD, during his praetorship, when Marcus was only three years old. Though he can hardly have known him, Marcus Aurelius wrote in his Meditations that he had learned “modesty and manliness” from his memories of his father and from the man’s posthumous reputation. Lucilla did not remarry. Portrait of Emperor Marcus Aurelius – Palazzo Nuovo (Musei Capitolini). Marcus was in the care of “nurses”. Even so, Marcus credits his mother with teaching him “religious piety, simplicity in diet” and how to avoid “the ways of the rich”. In his letters, Marcus makes frequent and affectionate reference to her; he was grateful that, “although she was fated to die young, yet she spent her last years with me”. After his father’s death, Aurelius was raised by his paternal grandfather Marcus Annius Verus who, according to Roman Law, had always retained the “patria potestas” over his son and grandson. Technically this was not an adoption, since an adoption would be the legal creation of a new and different “patria potestas” (II). Another man, Lucius Catilius Severus, also participated in his upbringing. Severus is described as Marcus’ “maternal great-grandfather”; he is probably the stepfather of the elder Lucilla. Marcus was raised in his parents’ home on the Caelian Hill, a district he would affectionately refer to as “my Caelian”. It was an upscale region, with few public buildings but many aristocratic villas. Marcus’ grandfather owned his own palace beside the Lateran, where Marcus would spend much of his childhood. Marcus thanks his grandfather for teaching him “good character and avoidance of bad temper”. He was less fond of the mistress his grandfather took and lived with after the death of Rupilia Faustina, his wife. Marcus was grateful that he did not have to live with her longer than he did. Marcus was taught at home, in line with contemporary aristocratic trends; Marcus thanks Catilius Severus for encouraging him to avoid public schools. One of his teachers, Diognetus, a painting-master, proved particularly influential; he seems to have introduced Marcus to the philosophic way of life. In April 132, at the behest of Diognetus, Marcus took up the dress and habits of the philosopher: he studied while wearing a rough Greek cloak, and would sleep on the ground until his mother convinced him to sleep on a bed. A new set of tutors-Alexander of Cotiaeum, Trosius Aper and Tuticius Proculus-took over Marcus’ education in about 132 or 133. Little is known of the latter two (both teachers of Latin), but Alexander was a major littérateur, the leading Homeric scholar of his day. Marcus thanks Alexander for his training in literary styling. Alexander’s influence-an emphasis on matter over style, on careful wording, with the occasional Homeric quotation-has been detected in Marcus’ Meditations. Succession to Hadrian, 136-38. In late 136, Hadrian almost died from a haemorrhage. Convalescent in his villa at Tivoli, he selected Lucius Ceionius Commodus, Marcus’ intended father-in-law, as his successor and adopted him as his son. The selection was done invitis omnibus , “against the wishes of everyone”. While there will never be absolute certainty regarding his motives, it would appear that his goal was to eventually place the then-too-young Marcus on the throne. As part of his adoption, Commodus took the name Lucius Aelius Caesar. His health was so poor that during a ceremony to mark his becoming heir to the throne, he was too weak to lift a large shield on his own. The night before the speech, however, he grew ill, and died of a haemorrhage later in the day. On 24 January 138 AD, Hadrian selected Aurelius Antoninus as his new successor. After a few days’ consideration, Antoninus accepted. He was adopted on 25 February. As part of Hadrian’s terms, Antoninus adopted Marcus and Lucius Verus, the son of Lucius Aelius. By this scheme, Lucius Verus, who was already Hadrian’s adoptive grandson through his natural father, remained Hadrian’s adoptive grandson through his new father. The adoption of Marcus Aurelius was probably a suggestion of Antoninus himself, since Aurelius was the nephew of Antoninus’s wife and would be his favorite son. Aelius Aurelius Verus; Lucius became L. At Hadrian’s request, Antoninus’ daughter Faustina was betrothed to Lucius. He reportedly greeted the news that Hadrian had become his adoptive grandfather with sadness, instead of joy. Only with reluctance did he move from his mother’s house on the Caelian to Hadrian’s private home. At some time in 138 AD, Hadrian requested in the senate that Marcus be exempt from the law barring him from becoming quaestor before his twenty-fourth birthday. The senate complied, and Marcus served under Antoninus, consul for 139. Marcus’ adoption diverted him from the typical career path of his class. If not for his adoption, he probably would have become triumvir monetalis , a highly regarded post involving token administration of the state mint; after that, he could have served as tribune with a legion, becoming the legion’s nominal second-in-command. Marcus probably would have opted for travel and further education instead. As it was, Marcus was set apart from his fellow citizens. Nonetheless, his biographer attests that his character remained unaffected: He still showed the same respect to his relations as he had when he was an ordinary citizen, and he was as thrifty and careful of his possessions as he had been when he lived in a private household. Baiae, seaside resort and site of Hadrian’s last days. Marcus would holiday in the town with the imperial family in the summer of 143. Turner, The Bay of Baiae, with Apollo and Sybil , 1823. After a series of suicide attempts, all thwarted by Antoninus, Hadrian left for Baiae, a seaside resort on the Campanian coast. His condition did not improve, and he abandoned the diet prescribed by his doctors, indulging himself in food and drink. He sent for Antoninus, who was at his side when he died on 10 July 138. His remains were buried quietly at Puteoli. The succession to Antoninus was peaceful and stable: Antoninus kept Hadrian’s nominees in office and appeased the senate, respecting its privileges and commuting the death sentences of men charged in Hadrian’s last days. For his dutiful behavior, Antoninus was asked to accept the name “Pius”. Heir to Antoninus Pius, 138-45. Immediately after Hadrian’s death, Antoninus approached Marcus and requested that his marriage arrangements be amended: Marcus’ betrothal to Ceionia Fabia would be annulled, and he would be betrothed to Faustina, Antoninus’ daughter, instead. Faustina’s betrothal to Ceionia’s brother Lucius Commodus would also have to be annulled. Marcus consented to Antoninus’ proposal. Antoninus bolstered Marcus’ dignity: Marcus was made consul for 140 AD, with Antoninus as his colleague, and was appointed as a seviri , one of the knights’ six commanders, at the order’s annual parade on 15 July 139 AD. As the heir apparent, Marcus became princeps iuventutis , head of the equestrian order. He now took the name Caesar: Marcus Aelius Aurelius Verus Caesar. Marcus would later caution himself against taking the name too seriously: “See that you do not turn into a Caesar; do not be dipped into the purple dye-for that can happen”. At the senate’s request, Marcus joined all the priestly colleges pontifices , augures , quindecimviri sacris faciundis , septemviri epulonum , etc. ; direct evidence for membership, however, is available only for the Arval Brethren. Antoninus demanded that Marcus take up residence in the House of Tiberius, the imperial palace on the Palatine. Antoninus also made him take up the habits of his new station, the aulicum fastigium or “pomp of the court”, against Marcus’ objections. Marcus would struggle to reconcile the life of the court with his philosophic yearnings. He told himself it was an attainable goal-”where life is possible, then it is possible to live the right life; life is possible in a palace, so it is possible to live the right life in a palace”-but he found it difficult nonetheless. He would criticize himself in the Meditations for “abusing court life” in front of company. As quaestor, Marcus would have had little real administrative work to do. He would read imperial letters to the senate when Antoninus was absent, and would do secretarial work for the senators. He was being “fitted for ruling the state”, in the words of his biographer. He was required to make a speech to the assembled senators as well, making oratorical training essential for the job. On 1 January 145 AD, Marcus was made consul a second time. He might have been unwell at this time: a letter from Fronto that might have been sent at this time urges Marcus to have plenty of sleep “so that you may come into the Senate with a good colour and read your speech with a strong voice”. Marcus was never particularly healthy or strong. The Roman historian Cassius Dio, writing of his later years, praised him for behaving dutifully in spite of his various illnesses. A bust of Faustina the Younger, Marcus’ wife (Louvre). In April 145 AD, Marcus married Faustina, as had been planned since 138 AD. Since Marcus was, by adoption, Antoninus Pius’ son, under Roman law he was marrying his sister; Antoninus would have had to formally release one or the other from his paternal authority (his patria potestas) for the ceremony to take place. Little is specifically known of the ceremony, but it is said to have been “noteworthy”. Coins were issued with the heads of the couple, and Antoninus, as Pontifex Maximus , would have officiated. Marcus makes no apparent reference to the marriage in his surviving letters, and only sparing references to Faustina. Fronto and further education, 136-61. After taking the toga virilis in 136 AD, Marcus probably began his training in oratory. He had three tutors in Greek, Aninus Macer, Caninius Celer, and Herodes Atticus, and one in Latin, Fronto. The latter two were the most esteemed orators of the day. Fronto and Atticus, however, probably did not become his tutors until his adoption by Antoninus in 138 AD. The preponderance of Greek tutors indicates the importance of the language to the aristocracy of Rome. This was the age of the Second Sophistic, a renaissance in Greek letters. Although educated in Rome, in his Meditations , Marcus would write his inmost thoughts in Greek. A bust of Herodes Atticus, from his villa at Kephissia (National Archaeological Museum of Athens). Herodes was controversial: an enormously rich Athenian (probably the richest man in the eastern half of the empire), he was quick to anger, and resented by his fellow-Athenians for his patronizing manner. Atticus was an inveterate opponent of Stoicism and philosophic pretensions. He thought the Stoics’ desire for a “lack of feeling” foolish: they would live a “sluggish, enervated life”, he said. Marcus would become a Stoic. He would not mention Herodes at all in his Meditations , in spite of the fact that they would come into contact many times over the following decades. Fronto was highly esteemed: in the self-consciously antiquarian world of Latin letters, he was thought of as second only to Cicero, perhaps even an alternative to him. He did not care much for Herodes, though Marcus was eventually to put the pair on speaking terms. Fronto exercised a complete mastery of Latin, capable of tracing expressions through the literature, producing obscure synonyms, and challenging minor improprieties in word choice. A significant amount of the correspondence between Fronto and Marcus has survived. The pair were very close. Farewell my Fronto, wherever you are, my most sweet love and delight. How is it between you and me? I love you and you are not here. Marcus spent time with Fronto’s wife and daughter, both named Cratia, and they enjoyed light conversation. He wrote Fronto a letter on his birthday, claiming to love him as he loved himself, and calling on the gods to ensure that every word he learned of literature, he would learn “from the lips of Fronto”. His prayers for Fronto’s health were more than conventional, because Fronto was frequently ill; at times, he seems to be an almost constant invalid, always suffering-about one-quarter of the surviving letters deal with the man’s sicknesses. Marcus asks that Fronto’s pain be inflicted on himself, “of my own accord with every kind of discomfort”. Fronto never became Marcus’ full-time teacher, and continued his career as an advocate. One notorious case brought him into conflict with Herodes. Marcus pleaded with Fronto, first with “advice”, then as a “favor”, not to attack Herodes; he had already asked Herodes to refrain from making the first blows. Fronto replied that he was surprised to discover Marcus counted Herodes as a friend (perhaps Herodes was not yet Marcus’ tutor), allowed that Marcus might be correct, but nonetheless affirmed his intent to win the case by any means necessary:… The charges are frightful and must be spoken of as frightful. Those in particular which refer to the beating and robbing I will describe in such a way that they savour of gall and bile. If I happen to call him an uneducated little Greek it will not mean war to the death. The outcome of the trial is unknown. By the age of twenty-five (between April 146 and April 147), Marcus had grown disaffected with his studies in jurisprudence, and showed some signs of general malaise. His master, he writes to Fronto, was an unpleasant blowhard, and had made “a hit at” him: It is easy to sit yawning next to a judge, he says, but to be a judge is noble work. Marcus had grown tired of his exercises, of taking positions in imaginary debates. When he criticized the insincerity of conventional language, Fronto took to defend it. In any case, Marcus’ formal education was now over. He had kept his teachers on good terms, following them devotedly. It “affected his health adversely”, his biographer writes, to have devoted so much effort to his studies. It was the only thing the biographer could find fault with in Marcus’ entire boyhood. Fronto had warned Marcus against the study of philosophy early on: it is better never to have touched the teaching of philosophy… Than to have tasted it superficially, with the edge of the lips, as the saying is. He disdained philosophy and philosophers, and looked down on Marcus’ sessions with Apollonius of Chalcedon and others in this circle. Fronto put an uncharitable interpretation of Marcus’ “conversion to philosophy”: “in the fashion of the young, tired of boring work”, Marcus had turned to philosophy to escape the constant exercises of oratorical training. Marcus kept in close touch with Fronto, but he would ignore his scruples. Apollonius may have introduced Marcus to Stoic philosophy, but Quintus Junius Rusticus would have the strongest influence on the boy. He was the man Fronto recognized as having “wooed Marcus away” from oratory. He was twenty years older than Marcus, older than Fronto. As the grandson of Arulenus Rusticus, one of the martyrs to the tyranny of Domitian r. 81-96, he was heir to the tradition of “Stoic opposition” to the “bad emperors” of the 1st century; the true successor of Seneca (as opposed to Fronto, the false one). Births and deaths, 147-160. On November 30, 147, Faustina gave birth to a girl, named Domitia Faustina. She was the first of at least thirteen children (including two sets of twins) that Faustina would bear over the next twenty-three years. The next day, 1 December, Antoninus Pius gave Marcus the tribunician power and the imperium -authority over the armies and provinces of the emperor. As tribune, Marcus had the right to bring one measure before the senate after the four Antoninus could introduce. His tribunican powers would be renewed, with Antoninus’, on 10 December 147. The Mausoleum of Hadrian, where the children of Marcus and Faustina were buried. The first mention of Domitia in Marcus’ letters reveals her as a sickly infant. If the gods are willing we seem to have a hope of recovery. The diarrhea has stopped, the little attacks of fever have been driven away. But the emaciation is still extreme and there is still quite a bit of coughing. ” He and Faustina, Marcus wrote, had been “pretty occupied with the girl’s care. Domitia would die in 151. In 149, Faustina gave birth again, to twin sons. Contemporary coinage commemorates the event, with crossed cornucopiae beneath portrait busts of the two small boys, and the legend temporum felicitas , “the happiness of the times”. They did not survive long. Before the end of the year, another family coin was issued: it shows only a tiny girl, Domitia Faustina, and one boy baby. Then another: the girl alone. The infants were buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian, where their epitaphs survive. They were called Titus Aurelius Antoninus and Tiberius Aelius Aurelius. Marcus steadied himself: One man prays:’How I may not lose my little child’, but you must pray:’How I may not be afraid to lose him’. ” He quoted from the Iliad what he called the “briefest and most familiar saying… Enough to dispel sorrow and fear. Iliad 6.146. Another daughter was born on 7 March 150, Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla. At some time between 155 and 161, probably soon after 155, Marcus’ mother, Domitia Lucilla, died. Faustina probably had another daughter in 151, but the child, Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina, might not have been born until 153. Another son, Tiberius Aelius Antoninus, was born in 152. A coin issue celebrates fecunditati Augustae , “the Augusta’s fertility”, depicting two girls and an infant. The boy did not survive long; on coins from 156, only the two girls were depicted. He might have died in 152, the same year as Marcus’ sister, Cornificia. By 28 March 158, however, when Marcus replied, the child was dead, Marcus thanked the temple synod, “even though this turned out otherwise”. The child’s name is unknown. In 159 and 160, Faustina gave birth to daughters: Fadilla, after one of Faustina’s dead sisters, and Cornificia, after Marcus’ dead sister. Antoninus Pius’ last years, 152-61. Antoninus Pius, Marcus’ adoptive father and predecessor as emperor (Glyptothek). Meanwhile, during the reign of his adoptive father, Antoninus, as a prince and future emperor, Marcus’ adoptive brother Lucius Verus received careful education from the famous “grammaticus” Marcus Cornelius Fronto. The young Verus was reported to have been an excellent student, fond of writing poetry and delivering speeches. Lucius started his political career as a quaestor in 153, two years before the legal age of 25 (Marcus held the office at 17). In 154, he was consul, nine years before the legal age of 32 (Marcus held the office at 18 and 23), and in 161 was consul again with Marcus Aurelius as his senior partner. Lucius had no other titles, except that of “son of Augustus”. Lucius had a markedly different personality from Marcus: he enjoyed sports of all kinds, but especially hunting and wrestling; he took obvious pleasure in the circus games and gladiatorial fights. He did not marry until 164. In 156, Antoninus Pius turned 70. He found it difficult to keep himself upright without stays. He started nibbling on dry bread to give him the strength to stay awake through his morning receptions. In 160, Marcus and Lucius were designated joint consuls for the following year. Perhaps Antoninus was already ill; in any case, he died before the year was out. Two days before his death, the biographer reports, Antoninus was at his ancestral estate at Lorium, in Etruria, about 19 kilometres (12 mi) from Rome. He ate Alpine cheese at dinner quite greedily. In the night he vomited; he had a fever the next day. The day after that, 7 March 161, he summoned the imperial council, and passed the state and his daughter to Marcus. The emperor gave the keynote to his life in the last word that he uttered when the tribune of the night-watch came to ask the password-”aequanimitas” (equanimity). He then turned over, as if going to sleep, and died. His death closed out the longest reign since Augustus, surpassing Tiberius by a couple of months. Main article: Emperorship of Marcus Aurelius. Accession of Marcus and Lucius, 161. Lucius Verus, Marcus’ co-emperor from 161 to Verus’ death in 169 (Metropolitan Museum of Art lent by Musée du Louvre). Busts of the co-emperors Marcus Aurelius (left) and Lucius Verus (right), British Museum. After the death of Antoninus Pius, Marcus was effectively sole ruler of the Empire. The formalities of the position would follow. The senate would soon grant him the name Augustus and the title imperator , and he would soon be formally elected as Pontifex Maximus , chief priest of the official cults. Marcus made some show of resistance: the biographer writes that he was “compelled” to take imperial power. This may have been a genuine horror imperii , “fear of imperial power”. Marcus, with his preference for the philosophic life, found the imperial office unappealing. His training as a Stoic, however, had made the choice clear. It was his duty. Although Marcus showed no personal affection for Hadrian (significantly, he does not thank him in the first book of his Meditations), he presumably believed it his duty to enact the man’s succession plans. Thus, although the senate planned to confirm Marcus alone, he refused to take office unless Lucius received equal powers. The senate accepted, granting Lucius the imperium , the tribunician power, and the name Augustus. Marcus became, in official titulature, Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; Lucius, forgoing his name Commodus and taking Marcus’ family name, Verus, became Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus. It was the first time that Rome was ruled by two emperors. In spite of their nominal equality, Marcus held more auctoritas , or “authority”, than Lucius. He had been consul once more than Lucius, he had shared in Antoninus’ administration, and he alone was Pontifex Maximus. It would have been clear to the public which emperor was the more senior. Immediately after their senate confirmation, the emperors proceeded to the Castra Praetoria, the camp of the praetorian guard. Lucius addressed the assembled troops, which then acclaimed the pair as imperatores. Then, like every new emperor since Claudius, Lucius promised the troops a special donative. This donative, however, was twice the size of those past: 20,000 sesterces (5,000 denarii) per capita, with more to officers. In return for this bounty, equivalent to several years’ pay, the troops swore an oath to protect the emperors. Upon his accession he also devalued the Roman currency. He decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 83.5% to 79%-the silver weight dropping from 2.68 grams to 2.57 grams. However, Marcus would later revisit the issue of currency reform. Antoninus Pius’ funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, “elaborate”. If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius, while his spirit would rise to the gods’ home in the heavens. Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification. In contrast to their behavior during Antoninus’ campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors’ wishes. A flamen , or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Antoninus, now Divus Antoninus. Antoninus Pius’ remains were laid to rest in the Hadrian’s mausoleum, beside the remains of Marcus’ children and of Hadrian himself. The temple he had dedicated to his wife, Diva Faustina, became the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda. In accordance with his will, Antoninus’ fortune passed on to Faustina. Marcus had little need of his wife’s fortune. Indeed, at his accession, Marcus transferred part of his mother’s estate to his nephew, Ummius Quadratus. Faustina was three months pregnant at her husband’s accession. During the pregnancy she dreamed of giving birth to two serpents, one fiercer than the other. On 31 August she gave birth at Lanuvium to twins: T. Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus and Lucius Aurelius Commodus. Aside from the fact that the twins shared Caligula’s birthday, the omens were favorable, and the astrologers drew positive horoscopes for the children. The births were celebrated on the imperial coinage. This marble portrait depicts Marcus Aurelius (reigned AD 161-180) The Walters Art Museum. Soon after the emperors’ accession, Marcus’ eleven-year-old daughter, Annia Lucilla, was betrothed to Lucius (in spite of the fact that he was, formally, her uncle). At the ceremonies commemorating the event, new provisions were made for the support of poor children, along the lines of earlier imperial foundations. Marcus and Lucius proved popular with the people of Rome, who strongly approved of their civiliter (“lacking pomp”) behavior. The emperors permitted free speech, evidenced by the fact that the comedy writer Marullus was able to criticize them without suffering retribution. At any other time, under any other emperor, he would have been executed. But it was a peaceful time, a forgiving time. And thus, as the biographer wrote, No one missed the lenient ways of Pius. Marcus replaced a number of the empire’s major officials. The ab epistulis Sextus Caecilius Crescens Volusianus, in charge of the imperial correspondence, was replaced with Titus Varius Clemens. Clemens was from the frontier province of Pannonia and had served in the war in Mauretania. Recently, he had served as procurator of five provinces. He was a man suited for a time of military crisis. Lucius Volusius Maecianus, Marcus’ former tutor, had been prefectural governor of Egypt at Marcus’ accession. Maecianus was recalled, made senator, and appointed prefect of the treasury (aerarium Saturni). He was made consul soon after. Fronto’s son-in-law, Aufidius Victorinus, was appointed governor of Upper Germany. He sent a note to the imperial freedman Charilas, asking if he could call on the emperors. Fronto would later explain that he had not dared to write the emperors directly. The tutor was immensely proud of his students. Reflecting on the speech he had written on taking his consulship in 143, when he had praised the young Marcus, Fronto was ebullient: There was then an outstanding natural ability in you; there is now perfected excellence. There was then a crop of growing corn; there is now a ripe, gathered harvest. What I was hoping for then, I have now. The hope has become a reality. Fronto called on Marcus alone; neither thought to invite Lucius. Tiber Island seen at a forty-year high-water mark of the Tiber, December 2008. Lucius was less esteemed by his tutor than his brother, as his interests were on a lower level. Lucius asked Fronto to adjudicate in a dispute he and his friend Calpurnius were having on the relative merits of two actors. Marcus told Fronto of his reading-Coelius and a little Cicero-and his family. His daughters were in Rome, with their great-great-aunt Matidia; Marcus thought the evening air of the country was too cold for them. He asked Fronto for some particularly eloquent reading matter, something of your own, or Cato, or Cicero, or Sallust or Gracchus-or some poet, for I need distraction, especially in this kind of way, by reading something that will uplift and diffuse my pressing anxieties. Marcus’ early reign proceeded smoothly. Marcus was able to give himself wholly to philosophy and the pursuit of popular affection. Soon, however, Marcus would find he had many anxieties. It would mean the end of the felicitas temporum (“happy times”) that the coinage of 161 had so glibly proclaimed. In the spring of 162, the Tiber overflowed its banks, flooding much of Rome. It drowned many animals, leaving the city in famine. Marcus and Lucius gave the crisis their personal attention. In other times of famine, the emperors are said to have provided for the Italian communities out of the Roman granaries. Fronto’s letters continued through Marcus’ early reign. He believed Marcus was “beginning to feel the wish to be eloquent once more, in spite of having for a time lost interest in eloquence”. Fronto would again remind his pupil of the tension between his role and his philosophic pretensions: Suppose, Caesar, that you can attain to the wisdom of Cleanthes and Zeno, yet, against your will, not the philosopher’s woolen cape. The early days of Marcus’ reign were the happiest of Fronto’s life: his pupil was beloved by the people of Rome, an excellent emperor, a fond pupil, and, perhaps most importantly, as eloquent as could be wished. Marcus had displayed rhetorical skill in his speech to the senate after an earthquake at Cyzicus. It had conveyed the drama of the disaster, and the senate had been awed: “not more suddenly or violently was the city stirred by the earthquake than the minds of your hearers by your speech”. Fronto was hugely pleased. War with Parthia, 161-66. Main article: Roman-Parthian War of 161-66 See also: Roman-Persian Wars Origins to Lucius’ dispatch, 161-62. On his deathbed, Antoninus Pius spoke of nothing but the state and the foreign kings who had wronged him. One of those kings, Vologases IV of Parthia, made his move in late summer or early autumn 161. Vologases entered the Kingdom of Armenia (then a Roman client state), expelled its king and installed his own-Pacorus, an Arsacid like himself. The governor of Cappadocia, the front-line in all Armenian conflicts, was Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul with much experience in military matters. Convinced by the prophet Alexander of Abonutichus that he could defeat the Parthians easily, and win glory for himself, Severianus led a legion (perhaps the IX Hispana) into Armenia, but was trapped by the great Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegia, a town just beyond the Cappadocian frontiers, high up past the headwaters of the Euphrates. Severianus made some attempt to fight Chosrhoes, but soon realized the futility of his campaign, and committed suicide. His legion was massacred. The campaign had only lasted three days. Coin of Vologases IV, king of Parthia, from 152/53. There was threat of war on other frontiers as well-in Britain, and in Raetia and Upper Germany, where the Chatti of the Taunus mountains had recently crossed over the limes. Antoninus seems to have given him no military experience; the biographer writes that Marcus spent the whole of Antoninus’ twenty-three-year reign at his emperor’s side-and not in the provinces, where most previous emperors had spent their early careers. More bad news arrived: the Syrian governor’s army had been defeated by the Parthians, and retreated in disarray. Reinforcements were dispatched for the Parthian frontier. Julius Geminius Marcianus, an African senator commanding X Gemina at Vindobona (Vienna), left for Cappadocia with detachments from the Danubian legions. Three full legions were also sent east: I Minervia from Bonn in Upper Germany, II Adiutrix from Aquincum, and V Macedonica from Troesmis. The northern frontiers were strategically weakened; frontier governors were told to avoid conflict wherever possible. Annius Libo, Marcus’ first cousin, was sent to replace the Syrian governor. He was young-his first consulship was in 161, so he was probably in his early thirties-and, as a mere patrician, lacked military experience. Marcus had chosen a reliable man rather than a talented one. Marcus took a four-day public holiday at Alsium, a resort town on the coast of Etruria. He was too anxious to relax. Writing to Fronto, he declared that he would not speak about his holiday. Fronto replied ironically: What? Do I not know that you went to Alsium with the intention of devoting yourself to games, joking, and complete leisure for four whole days? He encouraged Marcus to rest, calling on the example of his predecessors (Antoninus had enjoyed exercise in the palaestra , fishing, and comedy), going so far as to write up a fable about the gods’ division of the day between morning and evening-Marcus had apparently been spending most of his evenings on judicial matters instead of at leisure. Marcus could not take Fronto’s advice. Marcus put on Fronto’s voice to chastise himself:’Much good has my advice done you’, you will say! ” He had rested, and would rest often, but “-this devotion to duty! Who knows better than you how demanding it is! Fronto sent Marcus a selection of reading material, and, to settle his unease over the course of the Parthian war, a long and considered letter, full of historical references. In modern editions of Fronto’s works, it is labeled De bello Parthico (On the Parthian War). There had been reverses in Rome’s past, Fronto writes, but, in the end, Romans had always prevailed over their enemies: “always and everywhere [Mars] has changed our troubles into successes and our terrors into triumphs”. Lucius at Antioch, 162-65. The dissolute Syrian army was said to spend more time in Antioch’s open-air taverns than with their units. Engraving by William Miller after a drawing by H. Warren from a sketch by Captain Byam Martin, R. Over the winter of 161-62, as more bad news arrived-a rebellion was brewing in Syria-it was decided that Lucius should direct the Parthian war in person. He was stronger and healthier than Marcus, the argument went, more suited to military activity. Lucius’ biographer suggests ulterior motives: to restrain Lucius’ debaucheries, to make him thrifty, to reform his morals by the terror of war, to realize that he was an emperor. Whatever the case, the senate gave its assent, and, in the summer of 162, Lucius left. Marcus would remain in Rome; the city “demanded the presence of an emperor”. Lucius spent most of the campaign in Antioch, though he wintered at Laodicea and summered at Daphne, a resort just outside Antioch. Critics declaimed Lucius’ luxurious lifestyle. He had taken to gambling, they said; he would “dice the whole night through”. He enjoyed the company of actors. Libo died early in the war; perhaps Lucius had murdered him. In the middle of the war, perhaps in autumn 163 or early 164, Lucius made a trip to Ephesus to be married to Marcus’ daughter Lucilla. Marcus moved up the date; perhaps he had already heard of Lucius’ mistress, the low-born and beautiful Panthea. Lucilla’s thirteenth birthday was in March 163; whatever the date of her marriage, she was not yet fifteen. Lucilla was accompanied by her mother Faustina and M. Vettulenus Civica Barbarus, the half-brother of Lucius’ father. Civica was made comes Augusti , “companion of the emperors”; perhaps Marcus wanted him to watch over Lucius, the job Libo had failed at. Marcus may have planned to accompany them all the way to Smyrna (the biographer says he told the senate he would); this did not happen. Counterattack and victory, 163-66. The Armenian capital Artaxata was captured in 163. At the end of the year, Verus took the title Armeniacus , despite having never seen combat; Marcus declined to accept the title until the following year. When Lucius was hailed as imperator again, however, Marcus did not hesitate to take the Imperator II with him. The Euphrates river near Raqqa, Syria. Occupied Armenia was reconstructed on Roman terms. In 164, a new capital, Kaine Polis (‘New City’), replaced Artaxata. A new king was installed: a Roman senator of consular rank and Arsacid descent, Gaius Julius Sohaemus. He may not even have been crowned in Armenia; the ceremony may have taken place in Antioch, or even Ephesus. Sohaemus was hailed on the imperial coinage of 164 under the legend Rex armeniis Datus: Lucius sat on a throne with his staff while Sohamenus stood before him, saluting the emperor. In 163, the Parthians intervened in Osroene, a Roman client in upper Mesopotamia centered on Edessa, and installed their own king on its throne. In response, Roman forces were moved downstream, to cross the Euphrates at a more southerly point. Before the end of 163, however, Roman forces had moved north to occupy Dausara and Nicephorium on the northern, Parthian bank. Soon after the conquest of the north bank of the Euphrates, other Roman forces moved on Osroene from Armenia, taking Anthemusia, a town southwest of Edessa. In 165, Roman forces moved on Mesopotamia. Edessa was re-occupied, and Mannus, the king deposed by the Parthians, was re-installed. The Parthians retreated to Nisibis, but this too was besieged and captured. The Parthian army dispersed in the Tigris. A second force, under Avidius Cassius and the III Gallica, moved down the Euphrates, and fought a major battle at Dura. By the end of the year, Cassius’ army had reached the twin metropolises of Mesopotamia: Seleucia on the right bank of the Tigris and Ctesiphon on the left. Ctesiphon was taken and its royal palace set to flame. The citizens of Seleucia, still largely Greek (the city had been commissioned and settled as a capital of the Seleucid Empire, one of Alexander the Great’s successor kingdoms), opened its gates to the invaders. The city got sacked nonetheless, leaving a black mark on Lucius’ reputation. Excuses were sought, or invented: the official version had it that the Seleucids broke faith first. Cassius’ army, although suffering from a shortage of supplies and the effects of a plague contracted in Seleucia, made it back to Roman territory safely. Lucius took the title Parthicus Maximus, and he and Marcus were hailed as imperatores again, earning the title’imp. Lucius took the title’Medicus’, and the emperors were again hailed as imperatores , becoming’imp. IV’ in imperial titulature. Marcus took the Parthicus Maximus now, after another tactful delay. Conclusion of the war and events at Rome, mid-160s-167. A bust of Marcus Aurelius, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Most of the credit for the war’s success must be ascribed to subordinate generals, the most prominent of which was C. Avidius Cassius, commander of III Gallica, one of the Syrian legions. Cassius was a young senator of low birth from the north Syrian town of Cyrrhus. His father, Heliodorus, had not been a senator, but was nonetheless a man of some standing: he had been Hadrian’s ab epistulis , followed the emperor on his travels, and was prefect of Egypt at the end of Hadrian’s reign. Cassius also, with no small sense of self-worth, claimed descent from the Seleucid kings. Cassius and his fellow commander in the war, Martius Verus, still probably in their mid-thirties, took the consulships for 166. After their consulships, they were made governors: Cassius, of Syria; Martius Verus, of Cappadocia. At Rome, Marcus was occupied with family matters. Matidia, his great-aunt, had died. However, her will was invalid under the lex Falcidia : Matidia had assigned more than three-quarters of her estate to non-relatives. This was because many of her clients were included in codicils to her will. Matidia had never confirmed the documents, but as she was dying, her clients had sealed them in with the original, making them valid. Fronto urged Marcus to push the family’s case, but Marcus demurred, saying his brother would make the final decision. On the return from the campaign, Lucius was awarded with a triumph; the parade was unusual because it included the two emperors, their sons and unmarried daughters as a big family celebration. Marcus Aurelius’ two sons, Commodus, five years old, and Annius Verus, three, were elevated to the status of Caesar for the occasion. The returning army carried with them a plague, afterwards known as the Antonine Plague, or the Plague of Galen, which spread through the Roman Empire between 165 and 180. The disease was a pandemic believed to be either of smallpox or measles, and may have claimed the lives of two Roman emperors-Lucius Verus, who died in 169, and Marcus Aurelius, whose family name, Antoninus, was given to the epidemic. The disease broke out again nine years later, according to the Roman historian Dio Cassius, and caused up to 2,000 deaths a day at Rome, one-quarter of those infected. Total deaths have been estimated at five million. A possible contact with Han China occurred in 166 when a Roman traveller visited the Han court, claiming to be an ambassador representing a certain Andun (Chinese:), ruler of Daqin, who can be identified either with Marcus Aurelius or his predecessor Antoninus Pius. In addition to Republican-era Roman glasswares found at Guangzhou along the South China Sea, Roman golden medallions made during the reign of Antoninus Pius and perhaps even Marcus Aurelius have been found at Óc Eo, Vietnam, then part of the Kingdom of Funan near the Chinese province of Jiaozhi (in northern Vietnam). This may have been the port city of Kattigara, described by Ptolemy c. 150 as being visited by a Greek sailor named Alexander and laying beyond the Golden Chersonese i. Roman coins from the reigns of Tiberius to Aurelian have been found in Xi’an, China (site of the Han capital Chang’an), although the far greater amount of Roman coins in India suggests the Roman maritime trade for purchasing Chinese silk was centered there, not in China or even the overland Silk Road running through Persia. Legal and administrative work, 161-80. Like many emperors, Marcus spent most of his time addressing matters of law such as petitions and hearing disputes; but unlike many of his predecessors, he was already proficient in imperial administration when he assumed power. Marcus took great care in the theory and practice of legislation. Professional jurists called him “an emperor most skilled in the law” and “a most prudent and conscientiously just emperor”. He shows marked interest in three areas of the law: the manumission of slaves, the guardianship of orphans and minors, and the choice of city councillors (decuriones). In 168 he revalued the denarius, increasing the silver purity from 79% to 82% – the actual silver weight increasing from 2.57 grams to 2.67 grams. However, two years later Marcus reverted to the previous values because of the military crises facing the empire. War with Germanic tribes 166-180. The Roman Empire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. His annexation of lands of the Marcomanni and the Jazyges – perhaps to be provincially called Marcomannia and Sarmatia – was cut short in 175 by the revolt of Avidius Cassius and in 180 by his death. Bas-relief scenes depicting events of the Marcomannic Wars, from the (now destroyed) Arch of Marcus Aurelius in Rome, 176-180 AD, Capitoline Museums. Marcus Aurelius receiving the submission of the vanquished, with raised vexillum standards. Marcus Aurelius celebrating his triumph over Rome’s enemies in 176 AD, riding in a quadriga chariot. During the early 160s, Fronto’s son-in-law Victorinus was stationed as a legate in Germany. He was there with his wife and children (another child had stayed with Fronto and his wife in Rome). The condition on the northern frontier looked grave. A frontier post had been destroyed, and it looked like all the peoples of central and northern Europe were in turmoil. There was corruption among the officers: Victorinus had to ask for the resignation of a legionary legate who was taking bribes. Experienced governors had been replaced by friends and relatives of the imperial family. Dasumius Tullius Tuscus, a distant relative of Hadrian, was in Upper Pannonia, succeeding the experienced M. Lower Pannonia was under the obscure Ti. Servilius Fabianus Maximus was shuffled from Lower Moesia to Upper Moesia when Iallius Bassus had joined Lucius in Antioch. Lower Moesia was filled by Pontius Laelianus’ son. The Dacias were still divided in three, governed by a praetorian senator and two procurators. The peace could not hold long; Lower Pannonia did not even have a legion. Starting in the 160s, Germanic tribes and other nomadic people launched raids along the northern border, particularly into Gaul and across the Danube. This new impetus westwards was probably due to attacks from tribes further east. A first invasion of the Chatti in the province of Germania Superior was repulsed in 162. Far more dangerous was the invasion of 166, when the Marcomanni of Bohemia, clients of the Roman Empire since year 19, crossed the Danube together with the Lombards and other Germanic tribes. Soon thereafter, the Iranian Sarmatians attacked between the Danube and the Theiss rivers. Due to the situation in the East, only a punitive expedition could be launched in 167. Both Marcus and Verus led the troops. After the death of Verus (169), Marcus personally led the struggle against the Germanic tribes for most of his remaining life. The Romans suffered at least two serious defeats by the Quadi and Marcomanni, who would cross the Alps, ravage Opitergium (Oderzo) and besiege Aquileia, the main Roman city of north-east Italy. At the same time the Costoboci, coming from the Carpathian area, invaded Moesia, Macedonia and Greece. After a long struggle, Marcus Aurelius managed to push back the invaders. Numerous members of Germanic tribes settled in frontier regions like Dacia, Pannonia, Germany and Italy itself. This was not a new thing, but this time the numbers of settlers required the creation of two new frontier provinces on the left shore of the Danube, Sarmatia and Marcomannia, including today’s Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Some Germanic tribes who settled in Ravenna revolted and managed to seize possession of the city. For this reason, Marcus Aurelius decided not only against bringing more barbarians into Italy, but even banished those who had previously been brought there. The emperor’s plans were prevented by an usurpation in 175 of the governor of Syria, Avidius Cassius, which was prompted by false news of the death of Marcus after an illness. The rebellion quickly gathered support in the Eastern provinces, only Cappadocia and Bithynia did not side with the rebels. When it became clear that Marcus Aurelius was still alive, Cassius’ fortunes declined quickly and he was killed by his troops after only 100 days of power. Together with his wife Faustina, Marcus Aurelius toured the eastern provinces until 173. He visited Athens, declaring himself a protector of philosophy. After a triumph in Rome, the following year he marched again to the Danubian frontier. After a decisive victory in 178, the plan to annex Moravia and West Slovakia seemed poised for success but was abandoned after Marcus Aurelius again fell ill in 180. Death and succession 180. Bronze statue of Marcus Aurelius, piazza del Campidoglio in Rome. Equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius, Rome. Marcus Aurelius died on 17 March 180, in the city of Vindobona (modern Vienna). His campaigns against Germans and Sarmatians were also commemorated by a column and a temple built in Rome. He was succeeded by his son Commodus, whom he had named Caesar in 166 and with whom he had jointly ruled since 177. It was only the second time that a “non-adoptive” son was chosen as heir to the throne. The only other having been a century earlier when Vespasian was succeeded by his son Titus. Historians have criticized the decision, citing Commodus’ erratic behavior and lack of political and military acumen. At the end of his history of Marcus’ reign, Cassius Dio wrote an encomium to the emperor, and described the transition to Commodus in his own lifetime with sorrow. [Marcus] did not meet with the good fortune that he deserved, for he was not strong in body and was involved in a multitude of troubles throughout practically his entire reign. But for my part, I admire him all the more for this very reason, that amid unusual and extraordinary difficulties he both survived himself and preserved the empire. Just one thing prevented him from being completely happy, namely, that after rearing and educating his son in the best possible way he was vastly disappointed in him. This matter must be our next topic; for our history now descends from a kingdom of gold to one of iron and rust, as affairs did for the Romans of that day. Cassius Dio 71.36.3-4. Michael Grant, in The Climax of Rome (1968), writes of Commodus. The youth turned out to be very erratic, or at least so anti-traditional that disaster was inevitable. But whether or not Marcus ought to have known this to be so, the rejections of his son’s claims in favour of someone else would almost certainly have involved one of the civil wars which were to proliferate so disastrously around future successions. Castings of the busts of Antonius Pius (left), Marcus Aurelius (center), and Clodius Albinus (right), Pushkin Museum, Moscow. Marcus Aurelius acquired the reputation of a philosopher king within his lifetime, and the title would remain his after death; both Dio and the biographer call him “the philosopher”. Christians such as Justin Martyr, Athenagoras and Melito gave him the title, too. The last named went so far as to call Marcus Aurelius “more philanthropic and philosophic” than Antoninus Pius and Hadrian, and set him against the persecuting emperors Domitian and Nero to make the contrast bolder. “Alone of the emperors, ” wrote the historian Herodian, he gave proof of his learning not by mere words or knowledge of philosophical doctrines but by his blameless character and temperate way of life. Iain King concludes Marcus Aurelius’ legacy is tragic, because the emperor’s “Stoic philosophy – which is about self-restraint, duty, and respect for others – was so abjectly abandoned by the imperial line he anointed on his death”. In the 1964 movie The Fall of the Roman Empire he was portrayed by Alec Guinness and in the 2000 movie Gladiator by Richard Harris. Both movie plots posited that Marcus Aurelius was assassinated because he intended to pass down power to his adopted son, a Roman general, instead of his biological son, Commodus. In the first two centuries of the Christian era, it was local Roman officials who were largely responsible for persecution of Christians. In the second century, the emperors treated Christianity as a local problem to be dealt with by their subordinates. The number and severity of persecutions of Christians in various locations of the empire seemingly increased during the reign of Marcus Aurelius. The extent to which Marcus Aurelius himself directed, encouraged, or was aware of these persecutions is unclear and much debated by historians. According to Gibbon, with the onset of the Germanic war, his treatment of the Christians degraded with increased persecutions uncharacteristic of the previous years of his reign and those of his predecessors. Bust of Faustina the Younger, Louvre, Paris. Aurelius married his first cousin Faustina the Younger in 145. During their 30-year marriage, Faustina bore 13 children. Only one son and four daughters outlived their father. Annia Aurelia Galeria Faustina (147-after 165). Gemellus Lucillae (died around 150), twin brother of Lucilla. Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla (148/50-182), twin sister of Gemellus, married her father’s co-ruler Lucius Verus. Titus Aelius Antoninus (born after 150, died before 7 March 161). Titus Aelius Aurelius (born after 150, died before 7 March 161). Domitia Faustina (born after 150, died before 7 March 161). Annia Aurelia Fadilla (159-after 211). Annia Cornificia Faustina Minor (160-after 211). Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (161-165), twin brother of Commodus. Lucius Aurelius Commodus Antoninus (Commodus) (161-192), twin brother of Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, later emperor. Marcus Annius Verus Caesar (162-169). Vibia Aurelia Sabina (170-died before 217). While on campaign between 170 and 180, Aurelius wrote his Meditations in Greek as a source for his own guidance and self-improvement. The original title of this work, if it had one, is unknown. “Meditations” as well as others, including “To Himself” were adopted later. He had a logical mind and his notes were representative of Stoic philosophy and spirituality. Meditations is still revered as a literary monument to a government of service and duty. The book was a favourite of Frederick the Great, John Stuart Mill, Matthew Arnold, and Goethe. Modern figures such as Wen Jiabao, Bill Clinton, and James Mattis are admirers of the book. It is not known how far Marcus’ writings were circulated after his death. There are stray references in the ancient literature to the popularity of his precepts, and Julian the Apostate was well aware of Marcus’ reputation as a philosopher, though he does not specifically mention the Meditations. It survived in the scholarly traditions of the Eastern Church and the first surviving quotes of the book, as well as the first known reference of it by name (“Marcus’ writings to himself”) are from Arethas of Caesarea in the 10th century and in the Byzantine Suda (perhaps inserted by Arethas himself). It was first published in 1558 in Zurich by Wilhelm Xylander (ne Holzmann), from a manuscript reportedly lost shortly afterwards. The oldest surviving complete manuscript copy is in the Vatican library and dates to the 14th century. World-renowned expert numismatist, enthusiast, author and dealer in authentic ancient Greek, ancient Roman, ancient Byzantine, world coins & more. Ilya Zlobin is an independent individual who has a passion for coin collecting, research and understanding the importance of the historical context and significance all coins and objects represent. Send me a message about this and I can update your invoice should you want this method. Getting your order to you, quickly and securely is a top priority and is taken seriously here. Great care is taken in packaging and mailing every item securely and quickly. What is a certificate of authenticity and what guarantees do you give that the item is authentic? You will be very happy with what you get with the COA; a professional presentation of the coin, with all of the relevant information and a picture of the coin you saw in the listing. Additionally, the coin is inside it’s own protective coin flip (holder), with a 2×2 inch description of the coin matching the individual number on the COA. Whether your goal is to collect or give the item as a gift, coins presented like this could be more prized and valued higher than items that were not given such care and attention to. When should I leave feedback? Please don’t leave any negative feedbacks, as it happens sometimes that people rush to leave feedback before letting sufficient time for their order to arrive. The matter of fact is that any issues can be resolved, as reputation is most important to me. My goal is to provide superior products and quality of service. How and where do I learn more about collecting ancient coins? Visit the “Guide on How to Use My Store”. For on an overview about using my store, with additional information and links to all other parts of my store which may include educational information on topics you are looking for. The item “MARCUS AURELIUS 144AD Rome Authentic Ancient Silver Roman Coin HONOS i65251″ is in sale since Sunday, November 5, 2017. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “highrating_lowprice” and is located in Rego Park, New York. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius
  • Composition: Silver
  • Culture: Roman
  • Material: Silver
  • Denomination: Denarius

Incoming search terms:

  • Denarius AVRELIVS CAESAR AVG PII F / TR POT XIIII COS II rev figure standing right with cornucopia and staff

Jun 25 2018

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Ancient Roman Silver Coin. Marcus Aurelius as Caesar (161-180 AD) AR Denarius (17 mm, 3.50 gm) ca 156-157 AD. Obv: AVRELIVS CAES ANTON AVF PII F, Bare head right / Rev: TR POT XI COS II, Virtus standing left, parazonium in right, spear in left. RIC III 473 A. Latin: Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; 26 April 121? 17 March 180 AD was Roman Emperor from 161 to 180 AD. He ruled with Lucius Verus as co-emperor from 161 until Verus’ death in 169. Marcus Aurelius was the last of the so-called Five Good Emperors. He was a practitioner of Stoicism, and his untitled writing, commonly known as the Meditations, is the most significant source of the modern understanding of ancient Stoic philosophy. Marcus Aurelius was father to Commodus on of Romes most prolific rulers under Nero and Julius Ceaser. During his reign, the Empire defeated a revitalized Parthian Empire in the East: Aurelius’ general Avidius Cassius sacked the capital Ctesiphon in 164 AD. In central Europe, Aurelius fought the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians with success during the Marcomannic Wars, although the threat of the Germanic tribes began to represent a troubling reality for the Empire. A revolt in the East led by Avidius Cassius failed to gain momentum and was suppressed immediately. Aurelius’ Meditations, written in Greek while on campaign between 170 and 180 AD, is still revered as a literary monument to a philosophy of service and duty, describing how to find and preserve equanimity in the midst of conflict by following nature as a source of guidance and inspiration. International Buyers – Please Note. The item “Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin” is in sale since Saturday, June 23, 2018. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “ancientauctions” and is located in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Certification: NGC Encapsulation Advisable
  • Date: 156-157 AD
  • Grade: High Grade
  • Composition: Silver
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius as Caesar
  • Denomination: Denarius

May 23 2018

Commodus son of Marcus Aurelius 177AD Silver Ancient Roman Coin Minerva i65080

Commodus son of Marcus Aurelius 177AD Silver Ancient Roman Coin Minerva i65080

Commodus son of Marcus Aurelius 177AD Silver Ancient Roman Coin Minerva i65080

Item: i65080 Authentic Ancient Coin of. Silver Denarius 17mm (2.68 grams) Struck circa, 177-192 A. Reference: RIC 56 MCOMMODVSANTONAVGPIVS – Laureate head right. TRPVIIIIMPVICOSIIIIPP – Minerva advancing right, aiming spear and holding shield. Minerva (Etruscan : Menrfa , or Menrva) was the Roman goddess whom Hellenizing Romans from the second century BC onwards equated with the Greek goddess Athena. She was the virgin goddess of poetry, medicine, wisdom, commerce, weaving, crafts, magic, and the inventor of music. She is often depicted with an owl, her sacred creature and is, through this connection, a symbol of wisdom. This article focuses on Minerva in ancient Rome and in cultic practice. For information on Latin literary mythological accounts of Minerva, which were heavily influenced by Greek mythology, see Pallas Athena, where she is one of three virgin goddesses along with Artemis and Hestia, known by the Romans as Diana and Vesta. The name “Minerva” is imported from the Etruscans who called her Menrva. Extrapolating from her Roman nature, it is assumed that in Etruscan mythology, Minerva was the goddess of wisdom, war, art, schools and commerce. She was the Etruscan counterpart to Greek Athena. Like Athena, Minerva was born from the head of her father, Jupiter (Greek Zeus). By a process of folk etymology, the Romans could have confused the phones of her foreign name with those of the root men- in Latin words such as mens meaning “mind”, perhaps because one of her aspects as goddess pertained to the intellectual. The word mens has the Proto-Indo-European mn- stem, linked with memory as in Greek Mnemosyne and mnestis (: memory, remembrance, recollection). Menrva was part of a holy triad with Tinia and Uni, equivalent to the Roman Capitoline Triad of Jupiter-Juno-Minerva. Minerva was the daughter of Jupiter. As Minerva Medica , she was the goddess of medicine and doctors. As Minerva Achaea , she was worshipped at Luceria in Apulia where votive gifts and arms said to be those of Diomedes were preserved in her temple. In Fasti III, Ovid called her the goddess of a thousand works. Minerva was worshipped throughout Italy, though only in Rome did she take on the warlike character shared by Athena. Her worship was also taken out to the empire – in Britain, for example, she was conflated with the local wisdom goddess Sulis. The Romans celebrated her festival from March 19 to March 23 during the day which is called, in the neuter plural, Quinquatria, the fifth after the Ides of March, the nineteenth, an artisans’ holiday. A lesser version, the Minusculae Quinquatria, was held on the Ides of June, June 13, by the flute-players, who were particularly useful to religion. In 207 BC, a guild of poets and actors was formed to meet and make votive offerings at the temple of Minerva on the Aventine hill. Among others, its members included Livius Andronicus. The Aventine sanctuary of Minerva continued to be an important center of the arts for much of the middle Roman Republic. Minerva was worshipped on the Capitoline Hill as one of the Capitoline Triad along with Jupiter and Juno, at the Temple of Minerva Medica, and at the “Delubrum Minervae” a temple founded around 50 BC by Pompey on the site now occupied by the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva facing the present-day Piazza della Minerva. Son of Marcus Aurelius. Commodus (Latin: Marcus Aurelius Commodus Antoninus Augustus ; 31 August, 161 AD – 31 December, 192 AD), was Roman Emperor from 180 to 192. He also ruled as co-emperor with his father Marcus Aurelius from 177 until his father’s death in 180. His accession as emperor was the first time a son had succeeded his father since Titus succeeded Vespasian in 79. He was also the first Emperor to have both a father and grandfather as the two preceding Emperors. Commodus was the first (and until 337 the only) emperor “born in the purple”; i. During his father’s reign. Commodus was assassinated in 192. Early life and rise to power (161-180). Commodus was born on 31 August 161, as Commodus, in Lanuvium, near Rome. He was the son of the reigning emperor, Marcus Aurelius, and Aurelius’s first cousin, Faustina the Younger; the youngest daughter of Roman Emperor Antonius Pius. Commodus had an elder twin brother, Titus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus, who died in 165. On 12 October 166, Commodus was made Caesar together with his younger brother, Marcus Annius Verus. The latter died in 169 having failed to recover from an operation, which left Commodus as Marcus Aurelius’ sole surviving son. He was looked after by his father’s physician, Galen, in order to keep Commodus healthy and alive. Galen treated many of Commodus’ common illnesses. Commodus received extensive tuition at the hands of what Marcus Aurelius called an abundance of good masters. The focus of Commodus’ education appears to have been intellectual, possibly at the expense of military training. Commodus is known to have been at Carnuntum, the headquarters of Marcus Aurelius during the Marcomannic Wars, in 172. It was presumably there that, on 15 October 172, he was given the victory title Germanicus , in the presence of the army. The title suggests that Commodus was present at his father’s victory over the Marcomanni. On 20 January 175, Commodus entered the College of Pontiffs, the starting point of a career in public life. In April 175, Avidius Cassius, Governor of Syria, declared himself Emperor following rumors that Marcus Aurelius had died. Having been accepted as Emperor by Syria, Palestine and Egypt, Cassius carried on his rebellion even after it had become obvious that Marcus was still alive. During the preparations for the campaign against Cassius, the Prince assumed his toga virilis on the Danubian front on 7 July 175, thus formally entering adulthood. Cassius, however, was killed by one of his centurions before the campaign against him could begin. Commodus subsequently accompanied his father on a lengthy trip to the Eastern provinces, during which he visited Antioch. The Emperor and his son then traveled to Athens, where they were initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. Joint rule with father (177). Marcus Aurelius was the first emperor since Vespasian to have a biological son of his own and, though he himself was the fifth in the line of the so-called Five Good Emperors, each of whom had adopted his successor, it seems to have been his firm intention that Commodus should be his heir. On 27 November 176, Marcus Aurelius granted Commodus the rank of Imperator and, in the middle of 177, the title Augustus , giving his son the same status as his own and formally sharing power. On 23 December of the same year, the two Augusti celebrated a joint triumph, and Commodus was given tribunician power. On 1 January 177, Commodus became consul for the first time, which made him, aged 15, the youngest consul in Roman history up to that time. He subsequently married Bruttia Crispina before accompanying his father to the Danubian front once more in 178, where Marcus Aurelius died on 17 March 180, leaving the 18-year-old Commodus sole emperor. Upon his accession Commodus devalued the Roman currency. He reduced the weight of the denarius from 96 per Roman pound to 105 (3.85 grams to 3.35 grams). He also reduced the silver purity from 79 percent to 76 percent – the silver weight dropping from 2.57 grams to 2.34 grams. In 186 he further reduced the purity and silver weight to 74 percent and 2.22 grams respectively, being 108 to the Roman pound. His reduction of the denarius during his rule was the largest since the empire’s first devaluation during Nero’s reign. Whereas the reign of Marcus Aurelius had been marked by almost continuous warfare, that of Commodus was comparatively peaceful in the military sense but was marked by political strife and the increasingly arbitrary and capricious behaviour of the emperor himself. In the view of Dio Cassius, a contemporary observer, his accession marked the descent “from a kingdom of gold to one of rust and iron” – a famous comment which has led some historians, notably Edward Gibbon, to take Commodus’s reign as the beginning of the decline of the Roman Empire. Despite his notoriety, and considering the importance of his reign, Commodus’s years in power are not well chronicled. The principal surviving literary sources are Dio Cassius (a contemporary and sometimes first-hand observer, but for this reign, only transmitted in fragments and abbreviations), Herodian and the Historia Augusta (untrustworthy for its character as a work of literature rather than history, with elements of fiction embedded within its biographies; in the case of Commodus, it may well be embroidering upon what the author found in reasonably good contemporary sources). Commodus remained with the Danube armies for only a short time before negotiating a peace treaty with the Danubian tribes. Unlike the preceding Emperors Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, he seems to have had little interest in the business of administration and tended throughout his reign to leave the practical running of the state to a succession of favourites, beginning with Saoterus, a freedman from Nicomedia who had become his chamberlain. Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs would lead to a series of conspiracies and attempted coups, which in turn eventually provoked Commodus to take charge of affairs, which he did in an increasingly dictatorial manner. Nevertheless, though the senatorial order came to hate and fear him, the evidence suggests that he remained popular with the army and the common people for much of his reign, not least because of his lavish shows of largesse (recorded on his coinage) and because he staged and took part in spectacular gladiatorial combats. The conspiracies of 182. A bust of Commodus as a youth (Roman-Germanic Museum, Cologne). At the outset of his reign, Commodus, age 18, inherited many of his father’s senior advisers, notably Tiberius Claudius Pompeianus (the second husband of Commodus’s sister Lucilla), his father-in-law Gaius Bruttius Praesens, Titus Fundanius Vitrasius Pollio, and Aufidius Victorinus, who was Prefect of the City of Rome. He also had five surviving sisters, all of them with husbands who were potential rivals. Four of his sisters were considerably older than he; the eldest, Lucilla, held the rank of Augusta as the widow of her first husband, Lucius Verus. The first crisis of the reign came in 182, when Lucilla engineered a conspiracy against her brother. Her motive is alleged to have been envy of the Empress Crispina. Her husband, Pompeianus, was not involved, but two men alleged to have been her lovers, Marcus Ummidius Quadratus Annianus (the consul of 167, who was also her first cousin) and Appius Claudius Quintianus, attempted to murder Commodus as he entered the theatre. They bungled the job and were seized by the emperor’s bodyguard. Quadratus and Quintianus were executed. Lucilla was exiled to Capri and later killed. Pompeianus retired from public life. One of the two praetorian prefects, Tarrutenius Paternus, had actually been involved in the conspiracy but was not detected at this time, and in the aftermath, he and his colleague Sextus Tigidius Perennis were able to arrange for the murder of Saoterus, the hated chamberlain. Commodus took the loss of Saoterus badly, and Perennis now seized the chance to advance himself by implicating Paternus in a second conspiracy, one apparently led by Publius Salvius Julianus, who was the son of the jurist Salvius Julianus and was betrothed to Paternus’s daughter. Salvius and Paternus were executed along with a number of other prominent consulars and senators. Didius Julianus, the future emperor, a relative of Salvius Julianus, was dismissed from the governorship of Germania Inferior. Perennis took over the reins of government and Commodus found a new chamberlain and favourite in Cleander, a Phrygian freedman who had married one of the emperor’s mistresses, Demostratia. Cleander was in fact the person who had murdered Saoterus. After those attempts on his life, Commodus spent much of his time outside Rome, mostly on the family estates at Lanuvium. Being physically strong, his chief interest was in sport: taking part in horse racing, chariot racing, and combats with beasts and men, mostly in private but also on occasion in public. A bust of Commodus (Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna). According to Herodian he was well proportioned and attractive, with naturally blonde and curly hair. Commodus was inaugurated in 183 as consul with Aufidius Victorinus for a colleague and assumed the title Pius. War broke out in Dacia: few details are available, but it appears two future contenders for the throne, Clodius Albinus and Pescennius Niger, both distinguished themselves in the campaign. Also, in Britain in 184, the governor Ulpius Marcellus re-advanced the Roman frontier northward to the Antonine Wall, but the legionaries revolted against his harsh discipline and acclaimed another legate, Priscus, as emperor. Priscus refused to accept their acclamations, but Perennis had all the legionary legates in Britain cashiered. On 15 October 184 at the Capitoline Games, a Cynic philosopher publicly denounced Perennis before Commodus, who was watching, but was immediately put to death. According to Dio Cassius, Perennis, though ruthless and ambitious, was not personally corrupt and generally administered the state well. However, the following year, a detachment of soldiers from Britain (they had been drafted to Italy to suppress brigands) also denounced Perennis to the emperor as plotting to make his own son emperor (they had been enabled to do so by Cleander, who was seeking to dispose of his rival), and Commodus gave them permission to execute him as well as his wife and sons. The fall of Perennis brought a new spate of executions: Aufidius Victorinus committed suicide. Ulpius Marcellus was replaced as governor of Britain by Pertinax; brought to Rome and tried for treason, Marcellus narrowly escaped death. Cleander’s zenith and fall (185-190). Unrest around the empire increased, with large numbers of army deserters causing trouble in Gaul and Germany. Pescennius Niger mopped up the deserters in Gaul in a military campaign, and a revolt in Brittany was put down by two legions brought over from Britain. In 187, one of the leaders of the deserters, Maternus, came from Gaul intending to assassinate Commodus at the Festival of the Great Goddess in March, but he was betrayed and executed. In the same year, Pertinax unmasked a conspiracy by two enemies of Cleander – Antistius Burrus (one of Commodus’s brothers-in-law) and Arrius Antoninus. As a result, Commodus appeared even more rarely in public, preferring to live on his estates. Early in 188, Cleander disposed of the current praetorian prefect, Atilius Aebutianus, and himself took over supreme command of the Praetorians at the new rank of a pugione (“dagger-bearer”) with two praetorian prefects subordinate to him. Now at the zenith of his power, Cleander continued to sell public offices as his private business. The climax came in the year 190, which had 25 suffect consuls – a record in the 1000-year history of the Roman consulship-all appointed by Cleander (they included the future Emperor Septimius Severus). In the spring of 190, Rome was afflicted by a food shortage, for which the praefectus annonae Papirius Dionysius, the official actually in charge of the grain supply, contrived to lay the blame on Cleander. At the end of June, a mob demonstrated against Cleander during a horse race in the Circus Maximus: he sent the praetorian guard to put down the disturbances, but Pertinax, who was now City Prefect of Rome, dispatched the Vigiles Urbani to oppose them. Cleander fled to Commodus, who was at Laurentum in the house of the Quinctilii, for protection, but the mob followed him calling for his head. At the urging of his mistress Marcia, Commodus had Cleander beheaded and his son killed. Other victims at this time were the praetorian prefect Julius Julianus, Commodus’s cousin Annia Fundania Faustina, and his brother-in-law Mamertinus. Papirius Dionysius was executed too. The emperor now changed his name to Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus. At 29, he took over more of the reins of power, though he continued to rule through a cabal consisting of Marcia, his new chamberlain Eclectus, and the new praetorian prefect Quintus Aemilius Laetus, who about this time also had many Christians freed from working in the mines in Sardinia. Marcia, the widow of Quadratus, who had been executed in 182, is alleged to have been a Christian. In opposition to the Senate, in his pronouncements and iconography, Commodus had always laid stress on his unique status as a source of god-like power, liberality and physical prowess. Innumerable statues around the empire were set up portraying him in the guise of Hercules, reinforcing the image of him as a demigod, a physical giant, a protector and a battler against beasts and men (see “Commodus and Hercules” and “Commodus the Gladiator” below). Moreover, as Hercules, he could claim to be the son of Jupiter, the representative of the supreme god of the Roman pantheon. These tendencies now increased to megalomaniac proportions. Far from celebrating his descent from Marcus Aurelius, the actual source of his power, he stressed his own personal uniqueness as the bringer of a new order, seeking to re-cast the empire in his own image. During 191, the city of Rome was extensively damaged by a fire that raged for several days, during which many public buildings including the Temple of Pax, the Temple of Vesta and parts of the imperial palace were destroyed. Perhaps seeing this as an opportunity, early in 192 Commodus, declaring himself the new Romulus, ritually re-founded Rome, renaming the city Colonia Lucia Annia Commodiana. All the months of the year were renamed to correspond exactly with his (now twelve) names: Lucius , Aelius , Aurelius , Commodus , Augustus , Herculeus , Romanus , Exsuperatorius , Amazonius , Invictus , Felix , Pius. The legions were renamed Commodianae , the fleet which imported grain from Africa was termed Alexandria Commodiana Togata , the Senate was entitled the Commodian Fortunate Senate, his palace and the Roman people themselves were all given the name Commodianus , and the day on which these reforms were decreed was to be called Dies Commodianus. Thus he presented himself as the fountainhead of the Empire and Roman life and religion. He also had the head of the Colossus of Nero adjacent to the Colosseum replaced with his own portrait, gave it a club and placed a bronze lion at its feet to make it look like Hercules, and added an inscription boasting of being “the only left-handed fighter to conquer twelve times one thousand men”. Character and physical prowess. Dio Cassius, a first-hand witness, describes him as not naturally wicked but, on the contrary, as guileless as any man that ever lived. His great simplicity, however, together with his cowardice, made him the slave of his companions, and it was through them that he at first, out of ignorance, missed the better life and then was led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became second nature. His recorded actions do tend to show a rejection of his father’s policies, his father’s advisers, and especially his father’s austere lifestyle, and an alienation from the surviving members of his family. It seems likely that he was brought up in an atmosphere of Stoic asceticism, which he rejected entirely upon his accession to sole rule. After repeated attempts on Commodus’ life, Roman citizens were often killed for raising his ire. One such notable event was the attempted extermination of the house of the Quinctilii. Condianus and Maximus were executed on the pretext that, while they were not implicated in any plots, their wealth and talent would make them unhappy with the current state of affairs. On his accession as sole ruler, Commodus added the name Antoninus to his official nomenclature. In October 180 he changed his praenomen from Lucius to Marcus, presumably in honour of his father. He later took the title of Felix in 185. In 191 he restored his praenomen to Lucius and added the family name Aelius, apparently linking himself to Hadrian and Hadrian’s adopted son Lucius Aelius Caesar, whose original name was also Commodus. Later that year he dropped Antoninus and adopted as his full style Lucius Aelius Aurelius Commodus Augustus Herculeus Romanus Exsuperatorius Amazonius Invictus Felix Pius (the order of some of these titles varies in the sources). “Exsuperatorius” (the supreme) was a title given to Jupiter, and “Amazonius” identified him again with Hercules. An inscribed altar from Dura-Europos on the Euphrates shows that Commodus’s titles and the renaming of the months were disseminated to the furthest reaches of the Empire; moreover, that even auxiliary military units received the title Commodiana, and that Commodus claimed two additional titles: Pacator Orbis (pacifier of the world) and Dominus Noster (Our Lord). The latter eventually would be used as a conventional title by Roman emperors, starting about a century later, but Commodus seems to have been the first to assume it. Disdaining the more philosophic inclinations of his father, Commodus was extremely proud of his physical prowess. He was generally acknowledged to be extremely handsome. As mentioned above, he ordered many statues to be made showing him dressed as Hercules with a lion’s hide and a club. He thought of himself as the reincarnation of Hercules, frequently emulating the legendary hero’s feats by appearing in the arena to fight a variety of wild animals. He was left-handed, and very proud of the fact. Cassius Dio and the writers of the Augustan History say that Commodus was a skilled archer, who could shoot the heads off ostriches in full gallop, and kill a panther as it attacked a victim in the arena. Commodus also had a passion for gladiatorial combat, which he took so far as to take to the arena himself, dressed as a gladiator. The Romans found Commodus’s naked gladiatorial combats to be scandalous and disgraceful. It was rumoured that he was actually the son, not of Marcus Aurelius, but of a gladiator whom his mother Faustina had taken as a lover at the coastal resort of Caieta. In the arena, Commodus always won since his opponents always submitted to the emperor. Thus, these public fights would not end in death. Privately, it was his custom to slay his practice opponents. For each appearance in the arena, he charged the city of Rome a million sesterces, straining the Roman economy. Commodus raised the ire of many military officials in Rome for his Hercules persona in the arena. Often, wounded soldiers and amputees would be placed in the arena for Commodus to slay with a sword. Commodus’s eccentric behaviour would not stop there. Citizens of Rome missing their feet through accident or illness were taken to the arena, where they were tethered together for Commodus to club to death while pretending they were giants. These acts may have contributed to his assassination. Commodus was also known for fighting exotic animals in the arena, often to the horror of the Roman people. According to Gibbon, Commodus once killed 100 lions in a single day. Later, he decapitated a running ostrich with a specially designed dart and afterwards carried the bleeding head of the dead bird and his sword over to the section where the Senators sat and gesticulated as though they were next. On another occasion, Commodus killed three elephants on the floor of the arena by himself. Finally, Commodus killed a giraffe, which was considered to be a strange and helpless beast. In November 192 Commodus held Plebian Games, in which he shot hundreds of animals with arrows and javelins every morning, and fought as a gladiator every afternoon, winning all the bouts. In December he announced his intention to inaugurate the year 193 as both consul and gladiator on 1 January. At this point, the prefect Laetus formed a conspiracy with Eclectus to supplant Commodus with Pertinax, taking Marcia into their confidence. On 31 December Marcia poisoned his food but he vomited up the poison; so the conspirators sent his wrestling partner Narcissus to strangle him in his bath. Upon his death, the Senate declared him a public enemy (a de facto damnatio memoriae) and restored the original name to the city of Rome and its institutions. Commodus’s statues were thrown down. His body was buried in the Mausoleum of Hadrian. In 195 the emperor Septimius Severus, trying to gain favour with the family of Marcus Aurelius, rehabilitated Commodus’s memory and had the Senate deify him. Commodus was succeeded by Pertinax, whose reign was short lived, being the first to fall victim to the Year of the Five Emperors. Commodus’s death marked the end of the Nervan-Antonian dynasty. World-renowned expert numismatist, enthusiast, author and dealer in authentic ancient Greek, ancient Roman, ancient Byzantine, world coins & more. Ilya Zlobin is an independent individual who has a passion for coin collecting, research and understanding the importance of the historical context and significance all coins and objects represent. Send me a message about this and I can update your invoice should you want this method. Getting your order to you, quickly and securely is a top priority and is taken seriously here. Great care is taken in packaging and mailing every item securely and quickly. What is a certificate of authenticity and what guarantees do you give that the item is authentic? You will be very happy with what you get with the COA; a professional presentation of the coin, with all of the relevant information and a picture of the coin you saw in the listing. Additionally, the coin is inside it’s own protective coin flip (holder), with a 2×2 inch description of the coin matching the individual number on the COA. Whether your goal is to collect or give the item as a gift, coins presented like this could be more prized and valued higher than items that were not given such care and attention to. When should I leave feedback? Please don’t leave any negative feedbacks, as it happens sometimes that people rush to leave feedback before letting sufficient time for their order to arrive. The matter of fact is that any issues can be resolved, as reputation is most important to me. My goal is to provide superior products and quality of service. How and where do I learn more about collecting ancient coins? Visit the “Guide on How to Use My Store”. For on an overview about using my store, with additional information and links to all other parts of my store which may include educational information on topics you are looking for. The item “Commodus son of Marcus Aurelius 177AD Silver Ancient Roman Coin Minerva i65080″ is in sale since Sunday, November 12, 2017. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “highrating_lowprice” and is located in Rego Park, New York. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Ruler: Commodus
  • Composition: Silver

May 21 2018

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin

MARCUS AURELIUS SILVER DENARIUS UNCMINT STATE ROME MINTVERY RARE CENTRALIZED and ROUND COLLECTOR COIN Coin is 100% Authentic Marcus Aurelius, as Caesar, AR Denarius. AVRELIVS CAESAR AVG PII, bare head right / TR POT III COS II, Minerva standing right, holding spear and resting hand on shield. RIC 444, RSC 618. Diameter:18mm Weight:3.46g’Marcus Aurelius’ Marcus Annius Verus (AD 121 – AD 180) Marcus Annius Verus was born at Rome on 26 April AD 121. His paternal great-grandfather, Annius Verus from Uccubi (near Corduba) in Baetica, had brought the family, wealthy through the production of olive oil, to prominence by gaining the rank of senator and praetor. After this, his paternal grandfather (also Marcus Annius Verus) held the office of consul three times. It was this grandfather who adopted Marcus Aurelius after his father’s death, and at whose grand residence the young Marcus grew up. His father, also called Marcus Annius Verus, married Domitia Lucilla, cam came from a wealthy family which owned a tile factory (which Marcus would inherit) close to Rome. But he would die young, when his son was only about three years old. Early on in his life Marcus had the additional names’Catilius Severus’ to his name. This was in honour of his maternal step-grandfather who had been consul in AD 110 and 120. To complete the picture of Marcus’ family ties, one needs also to mention his paternal aunt, Annia Galeria Faustina (Faustina the Elder), who was the wife of Antoninus Pius. No emperor since Tiberius had spent such a long time in preparing and waiting to accede to the throne as Marcus Aurelius. It remains unknown just how it was that the young boy Marcus so early in his life attracted the attention of Hadrian, who affectionately nicknamed him’Verissimus’, enrolled him to equestrian rank at the age of only six, made him a priest of the Salian order at the age of eight and had him educated by the best teachers of the day. Then in AD 136, Marcus was betrothed to Ceionia Fabia, the daughter of Lucius Ceionius Commodus, by wish of emperor Hadrian. Shortly after this Hadrian announced Commodus as his official heir. As son-in-law to the imperial heir, Marcus now found himself at the very highest level of Roman political life. Though Commodus was not to be heir apparent for long. He already died on 1 January AD 138. Hadrian though needed an heir fo he was growing old and his health was beginning to fail him. He clearly appeared to like the idea of seeing Marcus on the throne one day, but knew he was not old enough. And so Antoninus Pius became the successor, but only by and in turn adopting Marcus, and Commodus’ orphaned son, Lucius Ceionius Commodus as his heirs. Marcus was 16 when the adoption ceremony took place on 25 February AD 138. It was on this occasion that he assumed the name Marcus Aurelius. The accession to the throne of the joint emperors was to set a precedent, which should be repeated many times in the coming centuries. As Hadrian died shortly after and Antoninus Pius assumed the throne, Marcus soon shared in the work of the high office. Antoninus sought for Marcus to gain experience for the role he would one day have to play. And with time, both seemed to have shared true sympathy and affection for each other, like father and son. As these bonds grew stronger Marcus Aurelius broke off his engagement to Ceionia Fabia and instead became engaged to Antoninus’ daughter Annia Galeria Faustina (Faustina the Younger)in AD 139. An engagement which should lead to marriage in AD 145. Faustina would bear him no fewer than 14 children during their 31 years of marriage. But only one son and four daughters were to outlive their father. In AD 139 Marcus Aurelius was officially made caesar, junior emperor to Antoninus, and in AD 140, at the age of only 18, he was made consul for the first time. Just as there was no doubt whom of his two adopted sons Antoninus favoured, it was clear that the senate, too, preferred Marcus Aurelius. When in AD 161 Antoninus Pius died, the senate sought to make Marcus sole emperor. It was only due to Marcus Aurelius’ insistence, reminding the senators of the wills of both Hadrian and Antoninus, that his adoptive brother Verus was made his imperial colleague. Had the rule of Antoninus Pius been a period of reasonable calm, the the reign of Marcus Aurelius would be a time of almost continuous fighting, made yet worse by rebellions and plague. When in AD 161 war broke out with the Parthians and Rome suffered setbacks in Syria, it was emperor Verus who left for the east in order to lead the campaign. And yet, as Verus spent most of his time pursuing his pleasures at Antioch, leadership of the campaign was left in the hands of the Roman generals, and – to some degree – even in the hands of Marcus Aurelius back in Rome. By autumn AD 167 the two emperors set out together, leading an army northward. But only on hearing of their coming, the barbarians withdrew, with the imperial army still in Italy. Marcus Aurelius though deemed it necessary for Rome to reassert its authority to the north. The barbarians should not grow confident that they could attack the empire and withdraw as they pleased. And so, with a reluctant co-emperor Verus, he set out for the north for a show of strength. But emperor Verus, perhaps affected by the disease, never made it back to Rome. He died, only after a short while into journey, at Altinum (early AD 169). This left Marcus Aurelius sole emperor of the Roman world. But already in late AD 169 the very same Germanic tribes which had caused the trouble which had taken Marcus Aurelius and Verus over the Alps launched their yet biggest assault across the Danube. The combined tribes of Quadi and Marcomanni broke through the Roman defences, crossed the mountains into Italy and even laid siege to Aquileia. Meanwhile further east the tribe of the Costoboci crossed the Danube and drove south into Greece. Marcus Aurelius, his armies enfeebled by the plague gripping his empire, had great trouble re-establishing control. It was only achieved in an arduous, embittered campaign lasting for years. Harsh conditions only yet further strained his forces. One battle took place in the deepest winter on the frozen surface of the river Danube. Though throughout these gruesome wars Marcus Aurelius still found the time for governmental affairs. He administered government, dictated letters, heard court cases in an exemplary fashion, with a remarkable sense of duty. He is said to have spent up to eleven to twelve days on a difficult court case, at times even dispensing justice at night. If Marcus Aurelius’ reign was to be one of almost constant warfare, then it stands in stark contrast to his being a deeply intellectual man of a peaceful nature. He was an ardent student of Greek’stoic’ philosophy and his rule is perhaps the closest to that of a true philosopher king, the western world ever came to know. His work’Meditations’, an intimate collection of his profound thoughts, is perhaps the most famous book ever written by a monarch. But if Marcus Aurelius was a profound and peaceful intellect, then he bore little sympathy for followers of the Christian faith. To the emperor Christians seemed mere fanatical martyrs, who stubbornly refused to have any part in the greater community which was the Roman empire. If Marcus Aurelius saw in his empire the union of the people of the civilized world, then the Christians were dangerous extremists who sought to undermine this union for the sake of their own religious beliefs. For such people Marcus Aurelius had no time and no sympathy. The Christians were persecuted in Gaul during his reign. In AD 175 yet another tragedy occurred to an emperor so haunted by bad fortune. As Marcus Aurelius fell ill when was fighting on campaign on the Danube, a false rumour appeared to have emerged which announced he was dead. Marcus Cassius, the governor of Syria who had been appointed to the command of the east of the empire, was hailed emperor by his troops. Cassius was a loyal general to Marcus Aurelius. It is very unlikely that he would have acted, if he had not thought the emperor dead. Though it is likely that the prospect of Marcus’ son Commodus taking the throne might have spurned Cassius on to act quickly at hearing of the throne having fallen vacant. It is also believed that Cassius enjoyed the support of the the empress, Faustina the Younger, who was with Marcus’ but feared him dying from illness. But with Cassius hailed emperor in the east and Marcus Aurelius still alive there was no going back. Cassius now couldn’t simply resign. Marcus prepared to move east to defeat the usurper. But shortly after news reached him that Cassius had been killed by his own soldiers. The emperor, aware of the misunderstanding which had led to Cassius’ unwitting revolt, did not begin a witch hunt to seek out any conspirators. Perhaps because he knew of his wife’s own support of Cassius in this tragedy. In order however to avert any future chance of civil war, should rumours of his death arise again, he now (AD 177) made his son Commodus his co-emperor. Commodus had already held the position of caesar (junior emperor) since AD 166, but now his status of co-Augustus made his succession inevitable. Then, with Commodus alongside him, Marcus Aurelius toured the east of the empire, where Cassius revolt had arisen. The wars along the Danube however were not at an end. In AD 178 Marcus Aurelius and Commodus left for the north where Commodus would play a prominent role alongside his father in leading the troops. If the fortunes of war were with the Romans this time and the Quadi were seriously mauled in their own territory beyond the Danube (AD 180), then any joy was offset by the old emperor now being seriously ill. A long lasting illness, – he had for some years complained of stomach and chest pains -, finally overcame the emperor and Marcus Aurelius died on 17 March AD 180 near Sirmium. His body was laid to rest in the Mausoleum of Hadrian. The item “Marcus Aurelius DENARIUSUNCMINT STATE Ancient Roman Silver Coin” is in sale since Sunday, December 3, 2017. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “antique_store-1″ and is located in Evropa. This item can be shipped worldwide.

May 16 2018

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife 170AD Big Rare Ancient Roman Coin JUNO i42222

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife 170AD Big Rare Ancient Roman Coin JUNO i42222

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife 170AD Big Rare Ancient Roman Coin JUNO i42222

Item: i42222 Authentic Ancient Coin of. Faustina II – Roman Empress & Wife of Emperor Marcus Aurelius – 161-175 A. Bronze Dupondius or As 25mm (13.30 grams) Rome mint Struck under Marcus Aurelius, circa 170-175/6 A. Reference: RIC III 1647 (Aurelius); MIR 18, 17-5b. FAVSTINA AVGSTA draped bust right IVNO – Juno standing left, holding patera and scepter; peacock at feet to left. Juno is an ancient Roman goddess , the protector and special counselor of the state. She is a daughter of Saturn and sister (but also the wife) of the chief god Jupiter and the mother of Mars and Vulcan. Juno also looked after the women of Rome. Her Greek equivalent is Hera , her Etruscan counterpart is Uni. As the patron goddess of Rome and the Roman Empire , Juno was called Regina (“queen”) and, together with Jupiter and Minerva , was worshipped as a triad on the Capitol (Juno Capitolina) in Rome. Juno’s own warlike aspect among the Romans is apparent in her attire. She often appeared sitting pictured with a peacock armed and wearing a goatskin cloak. The traditional depiction of this warlike aspect was assimilated from the Greek goddess Hera , whose goatskin was called the’aegis’. The name Iuno was also once thought to be connected to Iove (Jove), originally as Diuno and Diove from Diovona. At the beginning of the 20th century, a derivation was proposed from iuven- (as in Latin iuvenis , “youth”), through a syncopated form in- (as in inix , “heifer”, and inior , “younger”). This etymology became widely accepted after it was endorsed by Georg Wissowa. Iuuen- is related to Latin aevum and Greek aion through a common Indo-European root referring to a concept of vital energy or “fertile time”. The iuvenis is he who has the fullness of vital force. In some inscriptions Jupiter himself is called Iuuntus , and one of the epithets of Jupiter is Ioviste , a superlative form of iuuen- meaning “the youngest”. Iuventas , “Youth”, was one of two deities who “refused” to leave the Capitol when the building of the new Temple of Capitoline Jove required the exauguration of deities who already occupied the site. Ancient etymologies associated Juno’s name with iuvare , “to aid, benefit”, and iuvenescendo , “rejuvenate”, sometimes connecting it to the renewal of the new and waxing moon, perhaps implying the idea of a moon goddess. Juno’s theology is one of the most complex and disputed issues in Roman religion. Even more than other major Roman deities, Juno held a large number of significant and diverse epithets , names and titles representing various aspects and roles of the goddess. In accordance with her central role as a goddess of marriage, these included Pronuba and Cinxia (“she who looses the bride’s girdle”). However, other epithets of Juno have wider implications and are less thematically linked. While her connection with the idea of vital force, fulness of vital energy, eternal youthfulness is now generally acknowledged, the multiplicity and complexity of her personality have given rise to various and sometimes irreconcilable interpretations among modern scholars. Juno is certainly the divine protectress of the community, who shows both a sovereign and a fertility character, often associated with a military one. She was present in many towns of ancient Italy: at Lanuvium as Sespeis Mater Regina, Laurentum , Tibur , Falerii , Veii as Regina, at Tibur and Falerii as Regina and Curitis, Tusculum and Norba as Lucina. She is also attested at Praeneste , Aricia , Ardea , Gabii. In five Latin towns a month was named after Juno (Aricia, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Praeneste, Tibur). Outside Latium in Campania at Teanum she was Populona she who increase the number of the people or, in K. Latte’s understanding of the iuvenes , the army, in Umbria at Pisaurum Lucina, at Terventum in Samnium Regina, at Pisarum Regina Matrona, at Aesernia in Samnium Regina Populona. In Rome she was since the most ancient times named Lucina, Mater and Regina. It is debated whether she was also known as Curitis before the evocatio of the Juno of Falerii: this though seems probable. Other epithets of hers that were in use at Rome include Moneta and Caprotina, Tutula, Fluonia or Fluviona, Februalis, the last ones associated with the rites of purification and fertility of February. Her various epithets thus show a complex of mutually interrelated functions that in the view of G. Dumezil and Vsevolod Basanoff (author of Les dieux Romains) can be traced back to the Indoeuropean trifunctional ideology: as Regina and Moneta she is a sovereign deity, as Sespeis, Curitis (spear holder) and Moneta (again) she is an armed protectress, as Mater and Curitis (again) she is a goddess of the fertility and wealth of the community in her association with the curiae. The ancient called her Covella in her function of helper in the labours of the new moon. The view that she was also a Moon goddess though is no longer accepted by scholars, as such a role belongs to Diana Lucifera : through her association with the moon she governed the feminine physiological functions, menstrual cycle and pregnancy: as a rule all lunar deities are deities of childbirth. These aspects of Juno mark the heavenly and worldly sides of her function. She is thus associated to all beginnings and hers are the kalendae of every month: at Laurentum she was known as Kalendaris Iuno (Juno of the Kalends). At Rome on the Kalends of every month the pontifex minor invoked her, under the epithet Covella , when from the curia Calabra announced the date of the nonae. On the same day the regina sacrorum sacrificed to Juno a white sow or lamb in the Regia. She is closely associated with Janus , the god of passages and beginnings who after her is often named Iunonius. Some scholars view this concentration of multiple functions as a typical and structural feature of the goddess, inherent to her being an expression of the nature of femininity. Others though prefer to dismiss her aspects of femininity and fertility and stress only her quality of being the spirit of youthfulness, liveliness and strength, regardless of sexual connexions, which would then change according to circumstances: thus in men she incarnates the iuvenes , word often used to design soldiers, hence resulting in a tutelary deity of the sovereignty of peoples; in women capable of bearing children, from puberty on she oversees childbirth and marriage. Thence she would be a poliad goddess related to politics, power and war. Other think her military and poliadic qualities arise from her being a fertility goddess who through her function of increasing the numbers of the community became also associated to political and military functions. Juno Sospita and Lucina. Part of the following sections is based on the article by Geneviève Dury Moyaers and Marcel Renard “Aperçu critique des travaux relatifs au culte de Junon” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römische Welt 1981 p. The rites of the month of February and the Nonae Caprotinae of July 5 offer a depiction of the interrelated roles of the deity in the spheres of fertility, war, and regality. February is a month of passages, of ends and beginnings, and as such the month of yearly universal purification and renewal. Ovid discusses the etymology of February at the beginning of book II of the Fasti , connecting it to februae , i. As the most important time of passage of the year it implies risks for the community that have to be averted: the risk of contamination brought about by the contact with the underworld. Juno is then present and active at the three most prominent and relevant times of the month: on the kalendae (the first), with the celebration of the dies natalis (“birthday”) of Juno Sospita on the Palatine , on 15th as Juno Lucina, inspirator and patroness of the Lupercalia and as Lucina and at its end, on March 1, as the protectress of the Matronae and of the preservation of marriages : this day united into one three festivals as it was the kalendae of the month, the beginning of the new year and the birthday of Romulus (as well as the date of the commemoration of the appeasing role of women during the war between Romans and Sabines). Juno as Sospita (the Saviour) is thus the goddess that defends and protects the Romans since the first day in this perilous time of passage. On the same day recurred the celebration at the lucus grove of Helernus , which Dumezil thinks was a god of vegetation related to the cult of Carna /Crane, a nymph who may be an image of Juno Sospita. The way this period should be dealt with came to a concrete acme on the 15 in the Lupercalia : the rite was directly suggested to the Roman couples by Juno Lucina in her lucus on the Esquiline , and was considered to be a rite of periodical purification and fertility. It was perhaps also associated to the renewal of political power, as it may appear in the competition between the two groups of the Luperci , the Fabii and the Quinctii, mythically associated to Remus and Romulus. This political valence is illustrated by the episode of Julius Caesar who chose this occasion to enact the scene of his crowning by Mark Antony and by the fact that he created a third group, the Luperci Iulii. This element would perhaps be the reason of the eulogy of Augustus at the beginning of book II of Ovid’s Fasti : as the heir of Caesar he had indeed succeeded in his stepfather’s plan. Here is then the sovereign function of Juno that is highlighted. After Wissowa many scholars have remarked the similarity between the Juno of the Lupercalia and the Juno of Lanuvium Seispes Mater Regina as both are associated with the goat, symbol of fertility. But in essence there is unity between fertility, regality and purification. This unity is underlined by the role of Faunus in the aetiologic story told by Ovid and the symbolic relevance of the Lupercal : asked by the Roman couples at her lucus how to overcome the sterility that ensued the abduction of the Sabine women, Juno answered through a murmuring of leaves ” Italidas matres sacer hircus inito ” “That a sacred ram cover the Italic mothers”. February owes its name to the februae , lustrations, and the goat whose hide is used to make the whips of the Luperci is named februum and amiculus Iunonis. The Juno of this day bears the epithet of Februalis , Februata , Februa. Februlis oversees the secundament of the placenta and is strictly associated to Fluvonia, Fluonia , goddess who retains the blood inside the body during pregnancy. While the protection of pregnancy is stressed by Duval, Palmer sees in Fluonia only the Juno of lustration in river water. Ovid devotes an excursus to the lustrative function of river water in the same place in which he explains the etymology of February. A temple (aedes) of Juno Lucina was built in 375 BC in the grove sacred to the goddess from early times. It stood precisely on the Cispius near the sixth shrine of the Argei. Probably not far west of the church of S. Prassede, where inscriptions relating to her cult have been found. The grove should have extended down the slope south of the temple. As Servius Tullius ordered the gifts for the newborn to be placed in the treasury of the temple though it looks that another shrine stood there before 375 BC. In 190 BC the temple was struck by lightning, its gable and doors injured. The annual festival of the Matronalia was celebrated here on March 1, day of the dedication of the temple. A temple to Iuno Sospita was vowed by consul C. Cornelius Cethegus in 197 BC and dedicated in 194. By 90 BC the temple had fallen into disrepute: in that year it was stained by episodes of prostitution and a bitch delivered her puppies right beneath the statue of the goddess. By decree of the senate consul L. Iulius Caesar ordered its restoration. In his poem Fasti Ovid states the temple of Juno Sospita had become dilapidated to the extent of being no longer discernible “because of the injuries of time”: this looks hardly possible as the restoration had happened no longer than a century earlier and relics of the temple exixst to-day. It is thence plausible that an older temple of Juno Sospita existed in Rome within the pomerium , as Ovid says it was located near the temple of the Phrygian Mother (Cybele), which stood on the western corner of the Palatine. As a rule temples of foreign, imported gods stood without the pomerium. The alliance of the three aspects of Juno finds a strictly related parallel to the Lupercalia in the festival of the Nonae Caprotinae. On that day the Roman free and slave women picniced and had fun together near the site of the wild fig (caprificus): the custom implied runs, mock battles with fists and stones, obscene language and finally the sacrifice of a male goat to Juno Caprotina under a wildfig tree and with the using of its lymph. This festival had a legendary aetiology in a particularly delicate episode of Roman history and also recurs at (or shortly after) a particular time of the year, that of the so-called caprificatio when branches of wild fig trees were fastened to cultivated ones to promote insemination. The historical episode narrated by ancient sources concerns the siege of Rome by the Latin peoples that ensued the Gallic sack. The dictator of the Latins Livius Postumius from Fidenae would have requested the Roman senate that the matronae and daughters of the most prominent families be surrendered to the Latins as hostages. While the senate was debating the issue a slave girl, whose Greek name was Philotis and Latin Tutela or Tutula proposed that she together with other slave girls would render herself up to the enemy camp pretending to be the wives and daughters of the Roman families. Upon agreement of the senate, the women dressed up elegantly and wearing golden jewellery reached the Latin camp. There they seduced the Latins into fooling and drinking: after they had fallen asleep they stole their swords. Then Tutela gave the convened signal to the Romans brandishing an ignited branch after climbing on the wild fig (caprificus) and hiding the fire with her mantle. The Romans then irrupted into the Latin camp killing the enemies in their sleep. The women were rewarded with freedom and a dowry at public expenses. Dumezil in his Archaic Roman Religion had been unable to interpret the myth underlying this legendary event, later though he accepted the interpretation given by P. Drossart and published it in his Fêtes romaines d’été et d’automne, suivi par dix questions romaines in 1975 as Question IX. In folklore the wild fig tree is universally associated with sex because of its fertilising power, the shape of its fruits and the white viscous juice of the tree. Basanoff has argued that the legend not only alludes to sex and fertility in its association with wildfig and goat but is in fact a summary of sort of all the qualities of Juno. As Juno Sespeis of Lanuvium Juno Caprotina is a warrior, a fertiliser and a sovereign protectress. In fact the legend presents a heroine, Tutela, who is a slightly disguised representation of the goddess: the request of the Latin dictator would mask an attempted evocatio of the tutelary goddess of Rome. Tutela indeed shows regal, military and protective traits, apart from the sexual ones. Moreover according to Basanoff these too (breasts, milky juice, genitalia , present or symbolised in the fig and the goat) in general, and here in particular, have an inherently apotropaic value directly related to the nature of Juno. The occasion of the feria , shortly after the poplifugia , i. When the community is in its direst straits, needs the intervention of a divine tutelary goddess, a divine queen, since the king (divine or human) has failed to appear or has fled. Hence the customary battles under the wild figs, the scurrile language that bring together the second and third function. This festival would thus show a ritual that can prove the trifunctional nature of Juno. Other scholars limit their interpretation of Caprotina to the sexual implications of the goat, the caprificus and the obscene words and plays of the festival. Under this epithet Juno is attested in many places, notably at Falerii and Tibur. Dumezil remarked that Juno Curitis “is represented and invoked at Rome under conditions very close to those we know about for Juno Seispes of Lanuvium “. Martianus Capella states she must be invoked by those who are involved in war. The hunt of the goat by stonethrowing at Falerii is described in Ovid Amores III 13, 16 ff. In fact the Juno Curritis of Falerii shows a complex articulated structure closely allied to the threefold Juno Seispes of Lanuvium. Ancient etymologies associated the epithet with Cures , with the Sabine word for spear curis , with currus cart, with Quirites , with the curiae , as king Titus Tatius dedicated a table to Juno in every curia, that Dionysius still saw. Modern scholars have proposed the town of Currium or Curria, Quirinus , quir(i)s or quiru , the Sabine word for spear and curia. The quiru- would design the sacred spear that gave the name to the primitive curiae. The discovery at Sulmona of a sanctuary of Hercules Curinus lends support to a Sabine origin of the epithet and of the cult of Juno in the curiae. The spear could also be the celibataris hasta (bridal spear) that in the marriage ceremonies was used to comb the bridegroom’s hair as a good omen. Palmer views the rituals of the curiae devoted to her as a reminiscence of the origin of the curiae themselves in rites of evocatio , practise the Romans continued to use for Juno or her equivalent at later times as for Falerii, Veii and Carthage. Juno Curitis would then be the evoked deity after her admission into the curiae. Juno Curitis had a temple on the Campus Martius. Excavations in Largo di Torre Argentina have revealed four temple structures, one of whom (temple D or A) could be the temple of Juno Curitis. She shared her anniversary day with Juppiter Fulgur, who had an altar nearby. This Juno is placed by ancient sources in a warring context. Dumezil thinks the third, military, aspect of Juno is reflected in Juno Curitis and Moneta. Palmer too sees in her a military aspect. As for the etymology Cicero gives the verb monre warn, hence the Warner. Palmer accepts Cicero’s etymology as a possibility while adding mons mount, hill, verb e-mineo and noun monile referred to the Capitol, place of her cult. Also perhaps a cultic term or even, as in her temple were kept the Libri Lintei , monere would thence have the meaning of recording: Livius Andronicus identifies her as Mnemosyne. Her dies natalis was on the kalendae of June. Her Temple on the summit of the Capitol was dedicted only in 348 BC by dictator L. Furius Camillus, presumably a son of the great Furius. Livy states he vowed the temple during a war against the Aurunci. Modern scholars agree that the origins of the cult and of the temple were much more ancient. Guarducci considers her cult very ancient, identifying her with Mnemosyne as the Warner because of her presence near the auguraculum , her oracular character, her announcement of perils: she considers her as an introduction into Rome of the Hera of Cuma dating to the 8th century. Mac Kay considers the goddess more ancient than her etymology on the testimony of Valerius Maximus who states she was the Juno of Veii. The sacred geese of the Capitol were lodged in her temple: as they are recorded in the episode of the Gallic siege ca. 396-390 BC by Livy, the temple should have existed before Furius’s dedication. Basanoff considers her to go back to the regal period: she would be the Sabine Juno who arrived at Rome through Cures. At Cures she was the tutelary deity of the military chief: as such she is never to be found among Latins. This new quality is apparent in the location of her fanum , her name, her role: 1. Her altar is located in the regia of Titus Tatius; 2. Moneta is, from monere , the Adviser : like Egeria with Numa (Tatius’s son in law) she is associated to a Sabine king; 3. In Dionysius of Halicarnassus the altar-tables of the curiae are consecrated to Juno Curitis to justify the false etymology of Curitis from curiae: the tables would assure the presence of the tutelary numen of the king as an adviser within each curia, as the epithet itself implies. It can be assumed thence that Juno Moneta intervenes under warlike circumstances as associated to the sacral power of the king. Juno Regina is perhaps the epithet most fraught with questions. While some scholars maintain she was known as such at Rome since the most ancient times as paredra of Jupiter in the Capitoline Triad. Others think she is a new acquisition introduced to Rome after her evocatio from Veii. Palmer thinks she is to be identified with Juno Populona of later inscriptions, a political and military poliadic deity who had in fact a place in the Capitoline temple and was intended to represent the Regina of the king. The date of her introduction, though ancient, would be uncertain; she should perhaps be identified with Hera Basilea or as the queen of Jupiter Rex. The actual epithet Regina could though come from Veii. At Rome this epithet may have been applied to a Juno other than that of the temple on the Aventine built to lodge the evocated Veian Juno as the rex sacrorum and his wife-queen were to offer a monthly sacrifice to Juno in the Regia. This might imply that the prerepublican Juno was royal. IVNO REGINA (“Queen Juno”) on a coin celebrating Julia Soaemias. Gagé dismisses these assumptions as groundless speculations as no Jupiter Rex is attested and in accord with Roe D’Albret stresses that at Rome no presence of a Juno Regina is mentioned before Marcus Furius Camillus , while she is attested in many Etruscan and Latin towns. Before that time her Roman equivalent was Juno Moneta. Marcel Renard for his part considers her an ancient Roman figure since the title of the Veian Juno expresses a cultic reality that is close to and indeed presupposes the existence at Rome of an analogous character: as a rule it is the presence of an original local figure that may allow the introduction of the new one through evocatio. He agrees with Dumezil that we ignore whether the translation of the epithet is exhaustive and what Etruscan notion corresponded to the name Regina which itself is certainly an Italic title. This is the only instance of evocatio recorded by the annalistic tradition. However Renard considers Macrobius’s authority reliable in his long list of evocationes on the grounds of an archaeological find at Isaura. Roe D’Albret underlines the role played by Camillus and sees a personal link between the deity and her magistrate. Similarly Dumezil has remarked the link of Camillus with Mater Matuta. In his relationship to the goddess he takes the place of the king of Veii. Camillus’s devotion to female deities Mater Matuta and Fortuna and his contemporary vow of a new temple to both Matuta and Iuno Regina hint to a degree of identity between them: this assumption has by chance been supported by the discovery at Pyrgi of a bronze lamella which mentions together Uni and Thesan , the Etruscan Juno and Aurora, i. One can then suppose Camillus’s simultaneous vow of the temples of the two goddesses should be seen in the light of their intrinsic association. Octavianus will repeat the same translation with the statue of the Juno of Perusia in consequence of a dream. The fact that a goddess evoked in war and for political reasons receive the homage of women and that women continue to have a role in her cult is explained by Palmer as a foreign cult of feminine sexuality of Etruscan derivation. Gagé and D’Albret remark an accentuation of the matronal aspect of Juno Regina that led her to be the most matronal of the Roman goddesses by the time of the end of the republic. This fact raises the question of understanding why she was able of attracting the devotion of the matronae. Gagé traces back the phenomenon to the nature of the cult rendered to the Juno Regina of the Aventine in which Camillus played a role in person. The original devotion of the matronae was directed to Fortuna. Camillus was devout to her and to Matuta, both matronal deities. When he brought Juno Regina from Veii the Roman women were already acquainted with many Junos, while the ancient rites of Fortuna were falling off. Camillus would have then have made a political use of the cult of Juno Regina to subdue the social conflicts of his times by attributing to her the role of primordial mother. Juno Regina had two temples (aedes) in Rome. The one dedicated by Furius Camillus in 392 BC stood on the Aventine : it lodged the wooden statue of the Juno transvected from Veii. It is mentioned several times by Livy in connexion with sacrifices offered in atonement of prodigia. It was restored by Augustus. Two inscriptions found near the church of S. Sabina indicate the approximate site of the temple, which corresponds with its place in the lustral procession of 207 BC, near the upper end of the Clivus Publicius. The day of the dedication and of her festival was September 1. Another temple stood near the circus Flaminius , vowed by consul Marcus Aemilius Lepidus in 187 BC during the war against the Ligures and dedicated by himself as censor in 179 on December 23. It was connected by a porch with a temple of Fortuna perhaps that of Fortuna Equestris. Its probable site according to Platner is just south of the porticus Pompeiana on the west end of circus Flaminius. The Juno Cealestis of Carthage Tanit was evoked according to Macrobius. She did not receive a temple in Rome: presumably her image was deposited in another temple of Juno (Moneta or Regina) and later transferred to the Colonia Junonia founded by Caius Gracchus. The goddess was once again transferred to Rome by emperor Elagabalus. Juno in the Capitoline triad. The first mention of a Capitoline triad refers to the Capitolium Vetus. The only ancient source who refers to the presence of this divine triad in Greece is Pausanias X 5, 1-2, who mentions its existence in describing the in Phocis. The Capitoline triad poses difficult interpretative problems. It looks peculiarly Roman, since there is no sure document of its existence elsewhere either in Latium or Etruria. A direct Greek influence is possible but it would be also plausible to consider it a local creation. Dumézil advanced the hypothesis it could be an ideological construction of the Tarquins to oppose new Latin nationalism, as it included the three gods that in the Iliad are enemies of Troy. It is probable Latins had already accepted the legend of Aeneas as their ancestor. Among ancient sources indeed Servius states that according to the Etrusca Disciplina towns should have the three temples of Jupiter, Juno and Minerva at the end of three roads leading to three gates. Vitruvius writes that the temples of these three gods should be located on the most elevated site, isolated from the other. To his Etruscan founders the meaning of this triad might have been related to peculiarly Etruscan ideas on the association of the three gods with the birth of Herakles and the siege of Troy, in which Minerva plays a decisive role as a goddess of destiny along with the sovereign couple Uni Tinia. The Junos of Latium. The cults of the Italic Junos reflected remarkable theological complexes: regality, military protection and fertility. In Latium are relatively well known the instances of Tibur, Falerii, Laurentum and Lanuvium. At Tibur and Falerii their sacerdos was a male, called pontifex sacrarius , fact that has been seen as a proof of the relevance of the goddess to the whole society. In both towns she was known as Curitis , the spearholder, an armed protectress. The martial aspect of these Junos is conspicuous, quite as that of fecundity and regality: the first two look strictly interconnected: fertility guaranteed the survival of the community, peaceful and armed. Iuno Curitis is also the tutelary goddess of the curiae and of the new brides, whose hair was combed with the spear called caelibataris hasta as in Rome. In her annaual rites at Falerii youths and maiden clad in white bore in procession gifts to the goddess whose image was escorted by her priestesses. The idea of purity and virginity is stressed in Ovid’s description. A she goat is sacrificed to her after a ritual hunting. She is then the patroness of the young soldiers and of brides. At Lanuvium the goddess is known under the epithet Seispes Mater Regina. The titles themselves are a theological definition: she was a sovereign goddess, a martial goddess and a fertility goddess. Hence her flamen was chosen by the highest local magistrate, the dictator, and since 388 BC the Roman consuls were required to offer sacrifices to her. Her sanctuary was famous, rich and powerful. Her cult included the annual feeding of a sacred snake with barley cakes by virgin maidens. The snake dwelt in a deep cave within the precinct of the temple, on the arx of the city: the maidens approached the lair blindfolded. The snake was supposed to feed only on the cakes offered by chaste girls. The rite was aimed at ensuring agricultural fertility. The site of the temple as well as the presence of the snake show she was the tutelary goddess of the city, as Athena at Athens and Hera at Argos. The motive of the snake of the palace goddess guardian of the city is shared by Iuno Seispes with Athena, as well as its periodic feeding. This religious pattern moreover includes armour, goatskin dress, sacred birds and a concern with virginity in cult. Virginity is connected to regality: the existence and welfare of the community was protected by virgin goddesses or the virgin attendants of a goddess. This theme shows a connexion with the fundamental theological character of Iuno, that of incarnating vital force: virginity is the condition of unspoilt, unspent vital energy that can ensure communion with nature and its rhythm, symbolised in the fire of Vesta. It is a decisive factor in ensuring the safety of the community and the growth of crops. The role of Iuno is at the crossing point of civil and natural life, expressing their interdependence. At Laurentum she was known as Kalendaris Iuno and was honoured as such ritually at the kalendae of each month from March to December, i. The months of the prenuman ten month year, fact which is a testimony to the antiquity of the custom. A Greek influence in their cults looks probable. It is noteworthy though that Cicero remarked the existence of a stark difference between the Latin Iuno Seispes and the Argolic Hera (as well the Roman Iuno) in his work De natura deorum. Claudius Helianus later wrote… She has much new of Hera Argolis The iconogrphy of Argive Hera, matronal and regal, looks quite far away from the warlike and savage character of Iuno Seispes, especially considering that it is uncertain whether the former was an armed Hera. After the definitive subjugation of the Latin League in 338 BC the Romans required as a condition of peace the condominium of the Roman people on the sanctuary and the sacred grove of Juno Seispes in Lanuvium, while bestowing Roman citizenry on the Lanuvins. Consequently the prodigia (supernatural or unearthly phenomena) happened in her temple were referred to Rome and accordingly expiated there. Many occurred during the presence of Hannibal in Italy. At the time of Cicero Milo , Lanuvium’s dictator and highest magistrate, resided in Rome. When he met Clodius near Bovillae and his slaves murdered the politician, he was on his way to Lanuvium in order to nominate the flamen of Juno Seispes. Perhaps the Romans were not completely satisfied of this solution as in 194 BC consul C. Cornelius Cethegus erected a temple to the Juno Sospita of Lanuvium in the Forum Holitorium (vowed three years earlier in a war with the Galli Insubri): in it the goddess was honoured in martial effigy. Theological and comparative remarks. The complexity of the figure of Juno has caused much uncertainty and debate among modern scholars. Some emphasize one aspect or character of the goddess, considering it as primary: the other ones would then be the natural and even necessary development of the first. Palmer and Harmon consider it to be the natural vital force of youthfulness, Latte women’s fecundity. These original characters would have led to the formation of the complex theology of Juno as a sovereign and an armed tutelary deity. Silver statuette, 1st2nd century. Dumezil has on the other hand proposed the theory of the irreducibility and interdependence of the three aspects (sovereignty, war, fertility) that he interprets as an original, irreducible structure as hypothesised in his theory of the trifunctional ideology of the Indoeuropean. While Dumezil’s refusal of seeing a Greek influence in Italic Junos looks difficult to maintain in the light of the contributions of archaeology, his comparative analysis of the divine structure is supported by many scholars, as M. His theory purports that while male gods incarnated one single function, there are female goddesses who make up a synthesis of the three functions, as a reflection of the ideal of woman’s role in society. Even though such a deity has a peculiar affinity for one function, generally fertility, i. The third, she is nevertheless equally competent in each of the three. As concrete instances Dumezil makes that of Vedic goddess Sarasvat and Avestic Anhta. Sarasvati as river goddess is first a goddess of the third function, of vitality and fertility associated to the deities of the third function as the Avin and of propagation as Sinval. She is the mother and on her rely all vital forces. But at the same time she belongs to the first function as a religious sovereign: she is pure, she is the means of purifications and helps the conceiving and realisation of pious thoughts. Lastly she is also a warrior: allied with the Maruts she annihilates the enemies and, sole among female goddesses, bears the epithet of the warrior god Indra , vtraghn , destroyer of oppositions. She is the common spouse of all the heroes of the Mahbhrata , sons and heirs of the Vedic gods Dharma , Vyu , Indra and of the Avin twins. Though in hymns and rites her threefold nature is never expressed conjointly (except in g Veda VI 61, 12:: triadásth having three seats). Only in her Avestic equivalent Anahita, the great mythic river, does she bear the same three valences explicitly: her Yat states she is invoked by warriors, by clerics and by deliverers. She bestowed on heroes the vigour by which they defeated their demonic adversaries. She is the great purifier, “she who puts the worshipper in the ritual, pure condition” (yao d). Her complete name too is threefold: The Wet (Ardv), The Strong (Sr), The Immaculate (Anhit). Dumezil remarks these titles match perfectly those of Latin Junos, especially the Juno Seispes Mater Regina of Lanuvium, the only difference being in the religious orientation of the first function. Compare also the epithet Fluonia, Fluviona of Roman Juno, discussed by G. Harmon has remarked that the meaning of Seispes cannot be seen as limited to the warrior aspect, as it implies a more complex, comprehensive function, i. Among Germanic peoples the homologous goddess was bivalent, as a rule the military function was subsumed into the sovereign: goddess Fry(y)o- was at the same time sovereign, wife of the great god, and Venus thence Friy(y)a-dagaz Freitag for Veneris dies. However the internal tension of the character led to a duplication in Scandinavian religion: Frigg resulted into a merely sovereign goddess, the spouse of wizard god Óðinn , while from the name of Freyr , typical god of the third function, was extracted a second character, Freyja , confined as a Vani to the sphere of pleasure and wealth. Dumezil opines that the theologies of ancient Latium could have preserved a composite image of the goddess and this fact, notably her feature of being Regina , would in turn have rendered possible her interpretatio as Hera. Associations with other deities. Jupiter and Juno , by Annibale Carracci. The divine couple received from Greece its matrimonial implications, thence bestowing on Juno the role of tutelary goddess of marriage (Iuno Pronuba). The couple itself though cannot be reduced to a Greek apport. The association of Juno and Jupiter is of the most ancient Latin theology. Praeneste offers a glimpse into original Latin mythology: the local goddess Fortuna is represented as milking two infants, one male and one female, namely Jove (Jupiter) and Juno. It seems fairly safe to assume that from the earliest times they were identified by their own proper names and since they got them they were never changed through the course of history: they were called Jupiter and Juno. These gods were the most ancient deities of every Latin town. Praeneste preserved divine filiation and infancy as the sovereign god and his paredra Juno have a mother who is the primordial goddess Fortuna Primigenia. Many terracotta statuettes have been discovered which represent a woman with a child: one of them represents exactly the scene described by Cicero of a woman with two children of different sex who touch her breast. Two of the votive inscriptions to Fortuna associate her and Jupiter: Fortunae Iovi puero… ” and “Fortunae Iovis puero… However in 1882 R. Mowat published an inscription in which Fortuna is called daughter of Jupiter , raising new questions and opening new perspectives in the theology of Latin gods. Dumezil has elaborated an interpretative theory according to which this aporia would be an intrinsic, fundamental feature of Indoeuropean deities of the primordial and sovereign level, as it finds a parallel in Vedic religion. The contradiction would put Fortuna both at the origin of time and into its ensuing diachronic process: it is the comparison offered by Vedic deity Aditi , the Not-Bound or Enemy of Bondage , that shows that there is no question of choosing one of the two apparent options: as the mother of the Aditya she has the same type of relationship with one of his sons, Daka , the minor sovereign. Who represents the Creative Energy , being at the same time his mother and daughter, as is true for the whole group of sovereign gods to which she belongs. Moreover Aditi is thus one of the heirs (along with Savitr) of the opening god of the Indoiranians, as she is represented with her head on her two sides, with the two faces looking opposite directions. The mother of the sovereign gods has thence two solidal but distinct modalities of duplicity, i. Of having two foreheads and a double position in the genealogy. Angelo Brelich has interpreted this theology as the basic opposition between the primordial absence of order (chaos) and the organisation of the cosmos. The relationship of the female sovereign deity with the god of beginnings and passages is reflected mainly in their association with the kalendae of every month, which belong to both, and in the festival of the Sororium Tigillum (better known as Tigillum Sororium) of October 1. Janus as gatekeeper of the gates connecting Heaven and Earth and guardian of all passages is particularly related to time and motion. He holds the first place in ritual invocations and prayers, in order to ensure the communication between the worshipper and the gods. He enjoys the privilege of receiving the first sacrifice of the new year, which is offered by the rex on the day of the Agonium of January as well as at the kalendae of each month: These rites show he is considered the patron of the cosmic year. Ovid in his Fasti has Janus say that he is the original Chaos and also the first era of the world, which got organised only afterwards. He preserves a tutelary function on this universe as the gatekeeper of Heaven. His nature, qualities and role are reflected in the myth of him being the first to reign in Latium, on the banks of the Tiber, and there receiving god Saturn , in the age when the Earth still could bear the gods. The theology of Janus is also presented in the carmen Saliare. According to Johannes Lydus the Etruscans called him Heaven. His epithets are numerous Iunonius is particularly relevant, as the god of the kalendae who cooperates with and is the source of the youthful vigour of Juno in the birth of the new lunar month. His other epithet Consivius hints to his role in the generative function. The role of the two gods at the kalendae of every month is that of presiding over the birth of the new moon. Janus and Juno cooperate as the first looks after the passage from the previous to the ensuing month while the second helps it through the strength of her vitality. The rites of the kalendae included the invocations to Juno Covella, giving the number of days to the nonae , a sacrifice to Janus by the rex sacrorum and the pontifex minor at the curia Calabra and one to Juno by the regina sacrorum in the Regia: originally when the month was still lunar the pontifex minor had the task of signalling the appearance of the new moon. While the meaning of the epithet Covella is unknown and debated, that of the rituals is clear as the divine couple is supposed to oversee, protect and help the moon during the particularly dangerous time of her darkness and her labours : the role of Juno Covella is hence the same as that of Lucina for women during parturition. At the nonae Caprotinae similarly Juno had the function of aiding and strengthening the moon as the nocturnal light, at the time when her force was supposed to be at its lowest, after the Summer solstice. The Tigillum Sororium was a rite (sacrum) of the gens Horatia and later of the State. In it Janus Curiatius was associated to Juno Sororia : they had their altars on opposite sides of the alley behind the Tigillum Sororium. Physically this consisted of a beam spanning the space over two posts. It was kept in good condition down to the time of Livy at public expenses. According to tradition it was a rite of purification that served at the expiation of Publius Horatius who had murdered his own sister when he saw her mourning the death of her betrothed Curiatius. Dumézil has shown in his Les Horaces et les Curiaces that this story is in fact the historical transcription of rites of reintegration into civil life of the young warriors, in the myth symbolised by the hero, freed from their furor (wrath), indispensable at war but dangerous in social life. What is known of the rites of October 1 shows at Rome the legend has been used as an aetiological myth for the yearly purification ceremonies which allowed the desacralisation of soldiers at the end of the warring season, i. Their cleansing from the religious pollution contracted at war. The story finds parallels in Irish and Indian mythologies. These rites took place in October, month that at Rome saw the celebration of the end of the yearly military activity. Janus would then the patron of the feria as god of transitions, Juno for her affinities to Janus, especially on the day of the kalendae. It is also possible though that she took part as the tutelary goddess of young people, the iuniores , etymologically identical to her. Modern scholars are divided on the interpretation of J. Renard citing Capdeville opines that the wisest choice is to adhere to tradition and consider the legend itself as the source of the epithts. Renard advanced the view that Janus and not Juppiter was the original paredra or consort of Juno, on the grounds of their many common features, functions and appearance in myth or rites as is shown by their cross coupled epithets Janus Curiatius and Juno Sororia: Janus shares the epithet of Juno Curitis and Juno the epithet Janus Geminus, as sororius means paired, double. Renard’s theory has been rejected by G. Capdeville as not being in accord with the level of sovereign gods in Dumezil’s trifunctional structure. The theology of Janus would show features typically belonging to the order of the gods of the beginning. In Capdeville’s view it is only natural that a god of beginnings and a sovereign mother deity have common features, as all births can be seen as beginnings, Juno is invoked by deliverers, who by custom hold a key, symbol of Janus. Even though the origins of Hercules are undoubetdly Greek his figure underwent an early assimilation into Italic local religions and might even preserve traces of an association to Indoiranian deity Trita Apya that in Greece have not survived. Among other roles that Juno and Hercules share there is the protection of the newborn. Jean Bayet, author of Les origines de l’Arcadisme romain , has argued that such a function must be a later development as it looks to have supersided that of the two original Latin gods Picumnus and Pilumnus. The two gods are mentioned together in a dedicatory inscription found in the ruins of the temple of Hercules at Lanuvium, whose cult was ancient and second in importance only to that of Juno Sospita. In the cults of this temple just like in those at the Ara maxima in Rome women were not allowed. The exclusion of one sex is a characteristic practice in the cults of deities of fertility. Even though no text links the cults of the Ara maxima with Juno Sospita, her temple, founded in 193 BC, was located in the Forum Holitorium near the Porta Carmentalis , one of the sites of the legend of Hercules in Rome. The feria of the goddess coincides with a Natalis Herculis , birthday of Hercules, which was celebrated with ludi circenses , games in the circus. In Bayet’s view Juno and Hercules did superside Pilumnus and Picumnus in the role of tutelary deities of the newborn not only because of their own features of goddess of the deliverers and of apotropaic tutelary god of infants but also because of their common quality of gods of fertility. This was the case in Rome and at Tusculum where a cult of Juno Lucina and Hercules was known. At Lanuvium and perhaps Rome though their most ancient association rests on their common fertility and military characters. The Latin Junos certainly possessed a marked warlike character (at Lanuvium, Falerii, Tibur, Rome). Such character might suggest a comparison with the Greek armed Heras one finds in the South of Italy at Cape Lacinion and at the mouth of river Sele , military goddesses close to the Heras of Elis and Argos known as Argivae. In the cult this Hera received at Cape Lacinion she was associated with Heracles, supposed the founder of the sanctuary. Contacts with Central Italy and similarity would have favoured a certain assimilation between Latin warlike Junos and Argive Heras and the association with Heracles of Latin Junos. Some scholars, mostly Italians, recognize in the Junos of Falerii, Tibur and Lavinium the Greek Hera, rejecting the theory of an indigenous original cult of a military Juno. Renard thinks Dumezil’s opposition to such a view is to be upheld: Bayet’s words though did not deny the existence of local warlike Junos, but only imply that at a certain time they received the influence of the Heras of Lacinion and Sele, fact that earned them the epithet of Argive and a Greek connotation. However Bayet recognized the quality of mother and of fertility deity as being primitive among the three purported by the epithets of the Juno of Lanuvium (Seispes, Mater, Regina). Magna Graecia and Lanuvium mixed their influence in the formation of the Roman Hercules and perhaps there was a Sabine element too as is testified by Varro, supported by the find of the sanctuary of Hercules Curinus at Sulmona and by the existence of a Juno Curitis in Latium. The mythical theme of the suckling of the adult Heracles by Hera , though being of Greek origin, is considered by scholars as having received its full acknowledgement and development in Etruria: Heracles has become a bearded adult on the mirrors of the 4th and 3rd centuries BC. Most scholars view the fact as an initiation, i. The accession of Heracles to the condition of immortal. Even though the two versions coexisted in Greece and that of Heracles infant is attested earlier Renard suggests a process more in line with the evolution of the myth: the suckling of the adult Heracles should be regarded as more ancient and reflecting its original true meaning. The view that Juno was the feminine counterpart to Genius , i. That as men possess a tutelary entity or double named genius, so women have their own one named juno , has been maintained by many scholars, lastly Kurt Latte. In the past it has also been argued that goddess Juno herself would be the issue of a process of abstraction from the individual junos of every woman. According to Georg Wissowa and K. Such an interpretation has been critically reviewed by Walter F. While there are some correspondences between the ideas about genius and juno , especially in the imperial age, the relevant documentation is rather late (Tibullus mentions it first). Dumezil also remarks from these passages one could infer every woman has a Venus too. As evidence of the antiquity of the concept of a juno of women, homologous to the genius of men, is the Arval sacrifice of two sheep to the Juno Deae Diae (“the juno of goddesses named Dea Dia”), in contrast to their sacrifice of two cows sacrificed to Juno (singular). Latte allow that this ritual could have been adapted to fit theology of the Augustan restoration. While the concept of a Juno of goddesses is not attested in the inscriptions of 58 BC from Furfo, that of a Genius of gods is, and even of a Genius of a goddess, Victoria. On this point it looks remarkable that also in Martianus Capella’s division of Heaven a Juno Hospitae Genius is mentioned in region IX, and not a Juno : the sex of this Genius is feminine. See section below for details. Romans believed the genius of somebody was an entity that embodied his essential character, personality, and also originally his vital, generative force and raison d’ être. However the genius had no direct relationship with sex, at least in classical time conceptions, even though the nuptial bed was named lectus genialis in honour of the Genius and brides on the day of marriage invoked the genius of their grooms. This seems to hint to a significance of the Genius as the propagative spirit of the gens , of whom every human individual is an incarnation: Censorinus states: “Genius is the god under whose tutelage everyone is born and lives on”, and that “many ancient authors, among whom Granius Flaccus in his De Indigitamentis , maintain that he is one and the same with the Lar “, meaning the Lar Familiaris. Festus calls him “a god endowed with the power of doing everything”, then citing an Aufustius: Genius is the son of the gods and the parent of men, from whom men receive life. Thence is he named my genius, because he begot me. Festus’s quotation goes on saying: “Other think he is the special god of every place”, a notion that reflect a different idea. In classic age literature and iconography he is often represented as a snake, that may appear in the conjugal bed, this conception being perhaps the issue of a Greek influence. It was easy for the Roman concept of Genius to expand annexing other similar religious figures as the Lares and the Greek. The genius was believed to be associated with the forehead of each man, while goddess Juno, not the juno of every woman, was supposed to have under her jurisdiction the eyebrows of women or to be the tutelary goddess of the eyebrows of everybody, irrespective of one’s sex. Among the female entities that in the pontifical invocations accompanied the naming of gods, Juno was associated to Heries, which she shared with Mars (Heres Martea). All festivals of Juno were held on the kalendae of a month except two (or, perhaps, three): The Nonae Caprotinae on the nonae of July, the festival of Juno Capitolina on September 13, because the date of these two was determined by preeminence of Jupiter. Perhaps a second festival of Juno Moneta was held on October 10, possibly the date of the dedication of her temple. This fact reflects the strict association of the goddess with the beginning of each lunar month. Every year, on the first of March, women held a festival in honor of Juno Lucina called the Matronalia. Lucina was an epithet for Juno as she who brings children into light. On this day, lambs and cattle were sacrificed in her honor in the temple of her sacred grove on the Cispius. The second festival was devoted to Juno Moneta on June 1. Following was the festival of the Nonae Caprotinae (“The Nones of the Wild Fig”) held on July 7. The festival of Juno Regina fell on September 1, followed on the 13 of the same month by that of Juno Regina Capitolina. October 1 was the date of the Tigillum Sororium in which the goddess was honoured as Juno Sororia. Last of her yearly festivals came that of Juno Sospita on February 1. It was an appropriate date for her celebration since the month of February was considered a perilous time of passage, the cosmic year coming then to an end and the limits between the world of the living and the underworld being no longer safely defined. Hence the community invoked the protection (tutela) of the warlike Juno Sospita , ” The Saviour “. Juno is the patroness of marriage, and many people believe that the most favorable time to marry is June, the month named after the goddess. Etrurian Uni, Hera, Astarte and Iuno. The Etruscans were a people who entertained strict (if often conflicting) contacts with the other peoples of the Mediterranean: the Greeks, the Phoenicians and the Carthaginians. Testimony of intense cultural exchanges with the Greeks have been found in 1969 at the sanctuary of the port of Gravisca near Tarquinia. Renard thinks the cult of Hera in great emporia such as Croton , Posidonia, Pyrgi might be a counter to Aphrodite’s, linked to sacred prostitution in ports, as the sovereign of legitimate of marriage and family and of their sacrality. Hera’s presence had already been attested at Caere in the sanctuary of Manganello. In the 18th century a dedication to Iuno Historia was discovered at Castrum Novum (Santa Marinella). The cult of Iuno and Hera is generally attested in Etruria. The relationship between Uni and the Phoenician goddess Astarte has been brought to light by the discovery of the Pyrgi Tablets in 1964. At Pyrgi , one of the ports of Caere, excavations had since 1956 revealed the existence of a sacred area, intensely active from the last quarter of the 4th century, yielding two documents of a cult of Uni. Scholars had long believed Etruscan goddess Uni was strongly influenced by the Argive Heras and had her Punic counterpart in Carthaginian goddess Tanit , identified by the Romans as Juno Caelestis. Nonetheless Augustin had already stated that Iuno was named Astarte in the Punic language, notion that the discovery of the Pyrgi lamellae has proved correct. It is debated whether such an identification was linked to a transient political stage corresponding with Tefarie Velianas’s Carthagenian-backed tyranny on Caere as the sanctuary does not show any other trait proper to Phoenician ones. The mention of the goddess of the sanctuary as being named locally Eileitheia and Leucothea by different Greek authors narrating its destruction by the Syracusean fleet in 384 BC, made the picture even more complex. Bloch has proposed a two stage interpretation: the first thonym Eilethya corresponds to Juno Lucina, the second Leuchothea to Mater Matuta. However, the local theonym is Uni and one would legitimately expect it to be translated as Hera. A fragmentary bronze lamella discovered on the same site and mentioning both theonym Uni and Thesan i. Latin Juno and Aurora-Mater Matuta would then allow the inference of the integration of the two deities at Pyrgi: the local Uni-Thesan matronal and auroral, would have become the Iuno Lucina and the Mater Matuta of Rome. The Greek assimilation would reflect this process as not direct but subsequent to a process of distinction. Renard rejects this hypothesis since he sees in Uni and Thesan two distinct deities, though associated in cult. However the entire picture should have been familiar in Italian and Roman religious lore as is shown by the complexity and ambivalence of the relationship of Juno with the Rome and Romans in Virgil’s Aeneid, who has Latin, Greek and Punic traits, result of a plurisaecular process of amalgamation. Also remarkable in this sense is the Fanum Iunonis of Malta (of the Hellenistic period) which has yielded dedicatory inscriptions to Astarte and Tanit. Juno in Martianus Capella’s division of Heaven. Martianus Capella’s collocation of gods into sixteen different regions of Heaven is supposed to be based on and to reflect Etruscan religious lore, at least in part. It is thence comparable with the theonyms found in the sixteen cases of the outer rim of the Piacenza Liver. Juno is to be found in region II, along with Quirinus Mars, Lars militaris, Fons, Lymphae and the dii Novensiles. This position is reflected on the Piacenza Liver by the situation of Uni in case IV, owing to a threefold location of Tinia in the first three cases that determines an equivalent shift. An entity named Juno Hospitae Genius is to be found alone in region IX. Since Grotius (1599) many editors have proposed the correction of Hospitae into Sospitae. Weinstock has proposed to identify this entity with one of the spouses of Neptune , as the epithet recurs below (I 81) used in this sense. In region XIV is located Juno Caelestis along with Saturn. This deity is the Punic Astarte_Tanit, usually associated with Saturn in Africa. Iuno Caelestis is thence in turn assimilated to Ops and Greek Rhea. Uni is here the Punic goddess, in accord with the identification of Pyrgi. Her paredra was the Phoenician god Ba’al , interpreted as Saturn. Capdeville admits of being unable to explain the collocation of Juno Caelestis among the underworld gods, which looks to be determined mainly by her condition of spouse of Saturn. In the Dutch city of Maastricht , which was founded as Trajectum ad Mosam about 2000 years ago, the remains of the foundations of a substantial temple for Juno and Jupiter are to be found in the cellars of Hotel Derlon. Over part of the Roman remains the first Christian church of the Netherlands was built in the 4th century AD. The story behind these remains begins with Juno and Jupiter being born as twins of Saturn and Opis. Juno was sent to Samos when she was a very young child. She was carefully raised there until puberty , when she then married her brother. A statue was made representing Juno, the bride, as a young girl on her wedding day. It was carved out of Parian marble and placed in front of her temple at Samos for many centuries. Ultimately this statue of Juno was brought to Rome and placed in the sanctuary of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill. For a long time the Romans honored her with many ceremonies under the name Queen Juno. The remains were moved then sometime between the 1st century and the 4th century to the Netherlands. Perhaps Juno’s most prominent appearance in Roman literature is as the primary antagonistic force in Virgil’s Aeneid , where she is depicted as a cruel and savage goddess intent upon supporting first Dido and then Turnus and the Rutulians against Aeneas’ attempt to found a new Troy in Italy. There has been some speculationsuch as by Maurus Servius Honoratus , an ancient commentator on the Aeneid that she is perhaps a conflation of Hera with the Carthaginian storm-goddess Tanit in some aspects of her portrayal here. Juno is also mentioned in The Tempest in Act IV, Scene I; she appears in a supernatural masque, portrayed by spirits conjured by Prospero. She relates to Prospero as they are both leaders in their realm and have spirit like messengers who are very loyal (Juno has Iris, Prospero has Ariel). William Shakespeare repeatedly mentions Juno throughout the play Antony and Cleopatra , often in forms of exclamation by the characters. Juno is a major character in the Heroes of Olympus series by Rick Riordan. Her goal in the series is to bring the Greek and Roman demigods together against the Gigantes. She had earlier been a supporting character in the Percy Jackson & the Olympians series, under the name Hera. Annia Galeria Faustina Minor (Minor Latin for the younger), Faustina Minor or Faustina the Younger. Between 125 and 130-175 was a daughter of Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius and Roman Empress Faustina the Elder. She was a Roman Empress and wife to her maternal cousin Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Though Roman sources give a generally negative view of her character, she was held in high esteem by soldiers and her own husband and was given divine honours after her death. The item “FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife 170AD Big Rare Ancient Roman Coin JUNO i42222″ is in sale since Monday, August 25, 2014. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “highrating_lowprice” and is located in Rego Park, New York. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius

Apr 28 2018

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius

For sale are two (2) genuine ancient Roman coins. One is Faustina the Younger Denarius and the other is Marcus Aurelius Denarius. Details of both the coins are in the photos. Please look over the photos carefully. The item “(2) Two Ancient Roman Coins Faustina the Younger and Marcus Aurelius Denarius” is in sale since Saturday, April 22, 2017. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “professional-collectible-services” and is located in Saint Louis, Missouri. This item can be shipped to United States.

Apr 25 2018

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin

Denarius circa 164-165 AD. Ancient Roman Silver Coin. Marcus Aurelius 161-180 AD. Denarius (16 mm, 3.00 gm) circa 164-165 AD. Obv: ANTONINVS AVG ARMENIACVS, laureate head right / Rev: P M TR P XIX IMP II COS III, Mars standing right, holding spear and resting hand upon shield. Latin: Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; 26 April 121? 17 March 180 AD was Roman Emperor from 161 to 180 AD. He ruled with Lucius Verus as co-emperor from 161 until Verus’ death in 169. Marcus Aurelius was the last of the so-called Five Good Emperors. He was a practitioner of Stoicism, and his untitled writing, commonly known as the Meditations, is the most significant source of the modern understanding of ancient Stoic philosophy. Marcus Aurelius was father to Commodus on of Romes most prolific rulers under Nero and Julius Ceaser. During his reign, the Empire defeated a revitalized Parthian Empire in the East: Aurelius’ general Avidius Cassius sacked the capital Ctesiphon in 164 AD. In central Europe, Aurelius fought the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Sarmatians with success during the Marcomannic Wars, although the threat of the Germanic tribes began to represent a troubling reality for the Empire. A revolt in the East led by Avidius Cassius failed to gain momentum and was suppressed immediately. Aurelius’ Meditations, written in Greek while on campaign between 170 and 180 AD, is still revered as a literary monument to a philosophy of service and duty, describing how to find and preserve equanimity in the midst of conflict by following nature as a source of guidance and inspiration. International Buyers – Please Note. The item “Marcus Aurelius. Denarius. Father to Commodus. Ancient Roman Silver Coin” is in sale since Saturday, April 21, 2018. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “ancientauctions” and is located in Fort Lauderdale, Florida. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Denomination: Denarius
  • Certification: NGC Encapsulation Advisable
  • Composition: Silver
  • Grade: High Grade
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius
  • Date: 164-165 AD

Mar 29 2018

LUCIUS VERUS Marcus Aurelius Co-Emperor Ancient Silver Roman Rome Coin i57971

LUCIUS VERUS Marcus Aurelius Co-Emperor Ancient Silver Roman Rome Coin i57971

LUCIUS VERUS Marcus Aurelius Co-Emperor Ancient Silver Roman Rome Coin i57971

Item: i57971 Authentic Ancient Coin of. Lucius Verus – Roman Emperor: 161-169 A. Silver Denarius 18mm (3.24 grams) Rome mint, 168 A. Reference: BM-481, C-318, RIC-595 L VERVS AVG ARM PARTH MAX Head laureate right. TR P VIII IMP V COS III Aequitas seated l. Holding scales and cornucopia. Aequitas (genitive aequitatis) is the Latin concept of justice, equality, conformity, symmetry, or fairness. It is the origin of the English word “equity”. In ancient Rome , it could refer to either the legal concept of equity , or fairness between individuals. Cicero defined aequitas as “tripartite”: the first, he said, pertained to the gods above (ad superos deos) and is equivalent to pietas , religious obligation; the second, to the Manes , the underworld spirits or spirits of the dead, and was sanctitas , that which is sacred; and the third pertaining to human beings (homines) was iustitia , “justice”. During the Roman Empire , Aequitas as a divine personification was part of the religious propaganda of the emperor , under the name Aequitas Augusti , which also appeared on coins. She is depicted on coins holding a cornucopia and a balance scale (libra) , which was more often a symbol of “honest measure” to the Romans than of justice. (co-emperor with Marcus Aurelius). Lucius Aurelius Verus (15 December 130 169), born as Lucius Ceionius Commodus , known simply as Lucius Verus , was Roman co-emperor with Marcus Aurelius (161180), from 161 until his death. Early life and career. Verus was the son of Avidia Plautia and Lucius Aelius Caesar , the adopted son, and intended successor, of Emperor Hadrian (117138). When Aelius Caesar died in 138, Hadrian chose Antoninus Pius (138161) as his successor, on the condition that Antoninus adopt both Verus (then seven years old) and Marcus Aurelius , Hadrian’s nephew. As an imperial prince, Verus received careful education from the most famous grammaticus Marcus Cornelius Fronto. Verus is reported to have been an excellent student, fond of writing poetry and delivering speeches. Verus had two sisters. One sister Ceionia Fabia was engaged to Marcus Aurelius in 136. However Marcus Aurelius in 138, broke off the engagement to Fabia. Aurelius was adopted by emperor Antoninus Pius and was engaged to Antoninus daughter Faustina the Younger whom he later married. Lucius had another sister Ceionia Plautia, but little is known about the sisters. Verus’ political career started as quaestor in 153 and then as consul in 154. In 161, he was once again consul, with Marcus Aurelius as senior partner. Accession of Lucius and Marcus, 161. Antoninus died on 7 March 161, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius. Although Marcus had no personal affection for Hadrian (significantly, he does not thank him in the first book of his Meditations), he presumably believed it his duty to enact the man’s succession plans. Thus, although the senate planned to confirm Marcus alone, he refused to take office unless Lucius received equal powers. The senate accepted, granting Lucius the imperium , the tribunician power, and the name Augustus. Marcus became, in official titulature, Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus; Lucius, forgoing his name Commodus and taking Marcus’ family name, Verus, became Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus. It was the first time that Rome was ruled by two emperors. In spite of their nominal equality, Marcus held more auctoritas , or “authority”, than Verus. He had been consul once more than Lucius, he had shared in Pius’ administration, and he alone was Pontifex Maximus. It would have been clear to the public which emperor was the more senior. Castra Praetoria , the camp of the praetorian guard. Lucius addressed the assembled troops, which then acclaimed the pair as imperatores. Then, like every new emperor since Claudius, Lucius promised the troops a special donative. This donative, however, was twice the size of those past: 20,000 sesterces (5,000 denarii) per capita, more to officers. In return for this bounty, equivalent to several years’ pay, the troops swore an oath to protect the emperors. Pius’ funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, “elaborate”. If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius , while his spirit would rise to the gods’ home in the heavens. Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification. In contrast to their behavior during Pius’ campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors’ wishes. A flamen , or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Pius, now Divus Antoninus. Pius’ remains were laid to rest in the Hadrian’s mausoleum, beside the remains of Marcus’ children and of Hadrian himself. The temple he had dedicated to his wife, Diva Faustina, became the Temple of Antoninus and Faustina. It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda. Soon after the emperors’ accession, Marcus’ eleven-year-old daughter, Annia Lucilla, was betrothed to Lucius (in spite of the fact that he was, formally, her uncle). At the ceremonies commemorating the event, new provisions were made for the support of poor children, along the lines of earlier imperial foundations. Marcus and Lucius proved popular with the people of Rome, who strongly approved of their civiliter (“lacking pomp”) behavior. The emperors permitted free speech, evinced by the fact that the comedy writer Marullus was able to criticize them without suffering retribution. At any other time, under any other emperor, he would have been executed. But it was a peaceful time, a forgiving time. And thus, as the biographer wrote, No one missed the lenient ways of Pius. He sent a note to the imperial freedman Charilas, asking if he could call on the emperors. Fronto would later explain that he had not dared to write the emperors directly. The tutor was immensely proud of his students. Reflecting on the speech he had written on taking his consulship in 143, when he had praised the young Marcus, Fronto was ebullient: There was then an outstanding natural ability in you; there is now perfected excellence. There was then a crop of growing corn; there is now a ripe, gathered harvest. What I was hoping for then, I have now. The hope has become a reality. Fronto called on Marcus alone; neither thought to invite Lucius. Lucius was less esteemed by his tutor than his brother, as his interests were on a lower level. Lucius asked Fronto to adjudicate in a dispute he and his friend Calpurnius were having on the relative merits of two actors. Marcus told Fronto of his reading Coelius and a little Ciceroand his family. His daughters were in Rome, with their great-great-aunt Matilda; Marcus thought the evening air of the country was too cold for them. The emperors’ early reign proceeded smoothly. Marcus was able to give himself wholly to philosophy and the pursuit of popular affection. Some minor troubles cropped up in the spring; there would be more later. In the spring of 162, the Tiber flooded over its banks, destroying much of Rome. It drowned many animals, leaving the city in famine. Marcus and Lucius gave the crisis their personal attention. In other times of famine, the emperors are said to have provided for the Italian communities out of the Roman granaries. For details, see: RomanParthian War of 16166. See also: RomanPersian Wars. Origins to Lucius’ dispatch, 16162. Vologases IV of Parthia , made his move in late summer or early autumn 161. Vologases entered the Kingdom of Armenia (then a Roman client state), expelled its king and installed his ownPacorus, an Arsacid like himself. At the time of the invasion, the governor of Syria was L. Attidius had been retained as governor even though his term ended in 161, presumably to avoid giving the Parthians the chance to wrong-foot his replacement. The governor of Cappadocia, the front-line in all Armenian conflicts, was Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul with much experience in military matters. But living in the east had a deleterious effect on his character. The confidence man Alexander of Abonutichus , a prophet who carried a snake named Glycon around with him, had enraptured Severianus, as he had many others. Father-in-law to the respected senator P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus, then-proconsul of Asia, Abonutichus was friends with many members of the east Roman elite. Alexander convinced Severianus that he could defeat the Parthians easily, and win glory for himself. Severianus led a legion (perhaps the IX Hispana) into Armenia, but was trapped by the great Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegia, a town just beyond the Cappadocian frontiers, high up past the headwaters of the Euphrates. Severianus made some attempt to fight Chosrhoes, but soon realized the futility of his campaign, and committed suicide. His legion was massacred. The campaign had only lasted three days. There was threat of war on other frontiers as wellin Britain, and in Raetia and Upper Germany , where the Chatti of the Taunus mountains had recently crossed over the limes. Pius seems to have given him no military experience; the biographer writes that Marcus spent the whole of Pius’ twenty-three-year reign at his emperor’s sideand not in the provinces, where most previous emperors had spent their early careers. Marcus made the necessary appointments: Marcus Statius Priscus , the governor of Britain, was sent to replace Severianus as governor of Cappadocia. Sextus Calpurnius Agricola would take Priscus’ former office. More bad news arrived: Attidius Cornelianus’ army had been defeated in battle against the Parthians, and retreated in disarray. Reinforcements were dispatched for the Parthian frontier. Julius Geminius Marcianus, an African senator commanding X Gemina at Vindobona (Vienna), left for Cappadocia with detachments from the Danubian legions. Three full legions were also sent east: I Minervia from Bonn in Upper Germany, II Adiutrix from Aquincum, and V Macedonica from Troesmis. The norther frontiers were strategically weakened; frontier governors were told to avoid conflict wherever possible. Attidius Cornelianus himself was replaced by M. Annius Libo, Marcus’ first cousin. He was younghis first consulship was in 161, so he was probably in his early thirtiesand, as a mere patrician, lacked military experience. Marcus had chosen a reliable man rather than a talented one. Marcus took a four-day public holiday at Alsium , a resort town on the Etrurian coast. He was too anxious to relax. Writing to Fronto, he declared that he would not speak about his holiday. Fronto replied ironically: What? Do I not know that you went to Alsium with the intention of devoting yourself to games, joking and complete leisure for four whole days? He encouraged Marcus to rest, calling on the example of his predecessors (Pius had enjoyed exercise in the palaestra , fishing, and comedy), going so far as to write up a fable about the gods’ division of the day between morning and eveningMarcus had apparently been spending most of his evenings on judicial matters instead of at leisure. Marcus could not take Fronto’s advice. Marcus put on Fronto’s voice to chastise himself:’Much good has my advice done you’, you will say! ” He had rested, and would rest often, but “this devotion to duty! Who knows better than you how demanding it is! Fronto sent Marcus a selection of reading material, including Cicero’s pro lege Manilia , in which the orator had argued in favor of Pompey taking supreme command in the Mithridatic War. It was an apt reference (Pompey’s war had taken him to Armenia), and may have had some impact on the decision to send Lucius to the eastern front. You will find in it many chapters aptly suited to your present counsels, concerning the choice of army commanders, the interests of allies, the protection of provinces, the discipline of the soldiers, the qualifications required for commanders in the field and elsewhere… To settle his unease over the course of the Parthian war, Fronto wrote Marcus a long and considered letter, full of historical references. In modern editions of Fronto’s works, it is labeled De bello Parthico (On the Parthian War). There had been reverses in Rome’s past, Fronto writes, at Allia , at Caudium , at Cannae , at Numantia , Cirta , and Carrhae ; under Trajan, Hadrian, and Pius; but, in the end, Romans had always prevailed over their enemies: “always and everywhere [Mars] has changed our troubles into successes and our terrors into triumphs”. Lucius’ dispatch and journey east, 16263? Furius Victorinus, one of the two praetorian prefects, was sent with Lucius, as were a pair of senators, M. Pontius Laelianus Larcius Sabinus and M. Iallius Bassus, and part of the praetorian guard. Victorinus had previously served as procurator of Galatia, giving him some experience with eastern affairs. Moreover, he was far more qualified than his praetorian partner, Cornelius Repentinus , who was said to owe his office to the influence of Pius’ mistress Galeria Lysistrate. Repentius had the rank of a senator, but no real access to senatorial circleshis was merely a decorative title. Since a prefect had to accompany the guard, Victorinus was the clear choice. Laelianus had been governor of both Pannonias and governor of Syria in 153; he hence had first-hand knowledge of the eastern army and military strategy on the frontiers. He was made comes Augustorum (“companion of the emperors”) for his service. Laelianus was, in the words of Fronto, “a serious man and an old-fashioned disciplinarian”. Bassus had been governor of Lower Moesia, and was also made comes. The fleet of Misenum was charged with transporting the emperor and general communications and transport. Verus continued eastward via a Corinth and Athens , accompanied by musicians and singers as if in a royal progress. At Athens he stayed with Herodes Atticus, and joined the Eleusinian Mysteries. During sacrifice, a falling star was observed in the sky, shooting west to east. He stopped in Ephesus , where he is attested at the estate of the local aristocrat Vedius Antoninus, and made an unexpected stopover at Erythrae. It is not known how long Verus’ journey east took; he might not have arrived in Antioch until after 162. Statius Priscus, meanwhile, must have already arrived in Cappadocia; he would earn fame in 163 for successful generalship. Luxury, dissolution, and logistics at Antioch, 162? Antioch from the southwest engraving by William Miller after a drawing by H. Warren from a sketch by Captain Byam Martin , R. Lucius spent most of the campaign in Antioch, though he wintered at Laodicea and summered at Daphne , a resort just outside Antioch. He took up a mistress named Panthea, from Smyrna. The biographer calls her a “low-born girl-friend”, but she is probably closer to Lucian’s “woman of perfect beauty”, more beautiful than any of Phidias and Praxiteles’ statues. Polite, caring, humble, she sang to the lyre perfectly and spoke clear Ionic Greek , spiced with Attic wit. Panthea read Lucian’s first draft, and criticized him for flattery. He had compared her to a goddess, which frightened hershe did not want to become the next Cassiopeia. She had power, too. She made Lucius shave his beard for her. The Syrians mocked him for this, as they did for much else. Critics declaimed Lucius’ luxurious lifestyle. He had taken to gambling, they said; he would “dice the whole night through”. He enjoyed the company of actors. He made a special request for dispatches from Rome, to keep him updated on how his chariot teams were doing. He brought a golden statue of the Greens’ horse Volucer around with him, as a token of his team spirit. Fronto defended his pupil against some of these claims: the Roman people needed Lucius’ bread and circuses to keep them in check. This, at least, is how the biographer has it. The whole section of the vita dealing with Lucius’ debaucheries (HA Verus 4.46.6) is an insertion into a narrative otherwise entirely cribbed from an earlier source. Some few passages seem genuine; others take and elaborate something from the original. The rest is by the biographer himself, relying on nothing better than his own imagination. Lucius faced quite a task. Fronto described the scene in terms recalling Corbulo’s arrival one hundred years before. The Syrian army had turned soft during the east’s long peace. They spent more time at the city’s open-air cafés than in their quarters. Under Lucius, training was stepped up. Pontius Laelianus ordered that their saddles be stripped of their padding. Gambling and drinking were sternly policed. Fronto wrote that Lucius was on foot at the head of his army as often as on horseback. He personally inspected soldiers in the field and at camp, including the sick bay. Lucius sent Fronto few messages at the beginning of the war. He sent Fronto a letter apologizing for his silence. He would not detail plans that could change within a day, he wrote. Moreover, there was little thus far to show for his work: “not even yet has anything been accomplished such as to make me wish to invite you to share in the joy”. Lucius did not want Fronto to suffer the anxieties that had kept him up day and night. One reason for Lucius’ reticence may have been the collapse of Parthian negotiations after the Roman conquest of Armenia. Lucius’ presentation of terms was seen as cowardice. The Parthians were not in the mood for peace. Lucius needed to make extensive imports into Antioch, so he opened a sailing route up the Orontes. Because the river breaks across a cliff before reaching the city, Lucius ordered that a new canal be dug. After the project was completed, the Orontes’ old riverbed dried up, exposing massive bonesthe bones of a giant. Pausanias says they were from a beast “more than eleven cubits” tall; Philostratus says the it was “thirty cubits” tall. The oracle at Claros declared that they were the bones of the river’s spirit. In the middle of the war, perhaps in autumn 163 or early 164, Lucius made a trip to Ephesus to be married to Marcus’ daughter Lucilla. Lucilla’s thirteenth birthday was in March 163; whatever the date of her marriage, she was not yet fifteen. Marcus had moved up the date: perhaps stories of Panthea had disturbed him. Lucilla was accompanied by her mother Faustina and M. Vettulenus Civica Barbarus, the half-brother of Lucius’ father. Marcus may have planned to accompany them all the way to Smyrna (the biographer says he told the senate he would); this did not happen. Lucilla would bear three of Lucius’ children in the coming years. Lucilla became Lucilla Augusta. Counterattack and victory, 16366. I Minervia and V Macedonica, under the legates M. Claudius Fronto and P. Martius Verus, served under Statius Priscus in Armenia, earning success for Roman arms during the campaign season of 163, including the capture of the Armenian capital Artaxata. At the end of the year, Verus took the title Armeniacus , despite having never seen combat; Marcus declined to accept the title until the following year. When Lucius was hailed as imperator again, however, Marcus did not hesitate to take the Imperator II with him. The army of Syria was reinforced by II Adiutrix and Danubian legions under X Gemina’s legate Geminius Marcianus. Occupied Armenia was reconstructed on Roman terms. In 164, a new capital, Kaine Polis (‘New City’), replaced Artaxata. On Birley’s reckoning, it was thirty miles closer to the Roman border. Detachments from Cappadocian legions are attested at Echmiadzin , beneath the southern face of Mount Ararat , 400 km east of Satala. It would have meant a march of twenty days or more, through mountainous terrain, from the Roman border; a “remarkable example of imperialism”, in the words of Fergus Millar. A new king was installed: a Roman senator of consular rank and Arsacid descent, C. He may not even have been crowned in Armenia; the ceremony may have taken place in Antioch, or even Ephesus. Sohaemus was hailed on the imperial coinage of 164 under the legend. Verus sat on a throne with his staff while Sohamenus stood before him, saluting the emperor. In 163, while Statius Priscus was occupied in Armenia, the Parthians intervened in Osroene , a Roman client in upper Mesopotamia, just east of Syria, with its capital at Edessa. They deposed the country’s leader, Mannus, and replaced him with their own nominee, who would remain in office until 165. The Edessene coinage record actually begins at this point, with issues showing Vologases IV on the obverse and “Wael the king” (Syriac : W’L MLK’) on the reverse. In response, Roman forces were moved downstream, to cross the Euphrates at a more southerly point. On the evidence of Lucian, the Parthians still held the southern, Roman bank of the Euphrates (in Syria) as late as 163 (he refers to a battle at Sura, which is on the southern side of the river). Before the end of the year, however, Roman forces had moved north to occupy Dausara and Nicephorium on the northern, Parthian bank. Soon after the conquest of the north bank of the Euphrates, other Roman forces moved on Osroene from Armenia, taking Anthemusia, a town south-west of Edessa. There was little movement in 164; most of the year was spent on preparations for a renewed assault on Parthian territory. In 165, Roman forces, perhaps led by Martius Verus and the V Macedonica, moved on Mesopotamia. Edessa was re-occupied, Mannus re-installed. His coinage resumed, too:’Ma’nu the king’ (Syriac: M’NW MLK’) or Antonine dynasts on the obverse, and’King Mannos, friend of Romans’ (Greek: Basileus Mannos Philormaios) on the reverse. The Parthians retreated to Nisibis, but this too was besieged and captured. The Parthian army dispersed in the Tigris; their general Chosrhoes swam down the river and made his hideout in a cave. A second force, under Avidius Cassius and the III Gallica, moved down the Euphrates, and fought a major battle at Dura. By the end of the year, Cassius’ army had reached the twin metropolises of Mesopotamia: Seleucia on the right bank of the Tigris and Ctesiphon on the left. Ctesiphon was taken and its royal palace set to flame. The citizens of Seleucia, still largely Greek (the city had been commissioned and settled as a capital of the Seleucid empire , one of Alexander the Great’s successor kingdoms), opened its gates to the invaders. The city got sacked nonetheless, leaving a black mark on Lucius’ reputation. Excuses were sought, or invented: the official version had it that the Seleucids broke faith first. Whatever the case, the sacking marks a particularly destructive chapter in Seleucia’s long decline. Cassius’ army, although suffering from a shortage of supplies and the effects of a plague contracted in Seleucia, made it back to Roman territory safely. Iunius Maximus, a young tribunus laticlavius serving in III Gallica under Cassius, took the news of the victory to Rome. Maximus received a generous cash bounty (dona) for bringing the good news, and immediate promotion to the quaestorship. Lucius took the title Parthicus Maximus, and he and Marcus were hailed as imperatores again, earning the title’imp. Lucius took the title’Medicus’, and the emperors were again hailed as imperatores , becoming’imp. IV’ in imperial titulature. Marcus took the Parthicus Maximus now, after another tactful delay. Most of the credit for the war’s success must be ascribed to subordinate generals. The forces that advanced on Osroene were led by M. Claudius Fronto, an Asian provincial of Greek descent who had led I Minervia in Armenia under Priscus. He was probably the first senator in his family. Fronto was consul for 165, probably in honor of the capture of Edessa. Martius Verus had led V Macedonica to the front, and also served under Priscus. Martius Verus was a westerner, whose patria was perhaps Tolosa in Gallia Narbonensis. The most prominent general, however, was C. Avidius Cassius , commander of III Gallica, one of the Syrian legions. Cassius was young senator of low birth from the north Syrian town of Cyrrhus. His father, Heliodorus, had not been a senator, but was nonetheless a man of some standing: he had been Hadrian’s ab epistulis , followed the emperor on his travels, and was prefect of Egypt at the end of Hadrian’s reign. Cassius also, with no small sense of self-worth, claimed descent from the Seleucid kings. Cassius and Martius Verus, still probably in their mid-thirties, took the consulships for 166. Vologases IV of Parthia (147191) made peace but was forced to cede western Mesopotamia to the Romans. Lucius is reported to have been an excellent commander, without fear of delegating military tasks to more competent generals. On his return to Rome, Lucius was awarded with a triumph. The parade was unusual because it included Lucius, Marcus Aurelius, their sons and unmarried daughters as a big family celebration. Marcus Aurelius’ two sons, Commodus five years old and Annius Verus of three, were elevated to the status of Caesar for the occasion. The next two years (166168) were spent in Rome. Verus continued with his glamorous lifestyle and kept the troupe of actors and favourites with him. He had a tavern built in his house, where he celebrated parties with his friends until dawn. He also enjoyed roaming around the city among the population, without acknowledging his identity. The games of the circus were another passion in his life, especially chariot racing. Marcus Aurelius disapproved of his conduct but, since Verus continued to perform his official tasks with efficiency, there was little he could do. Portrait head of Lucius Verus, found in Athens (National Archaeological Museum of Athens) He used to sprinkle gold-dust on his blond hair to make it brighter. Wars on the Danube and death. Further information: Marcomannic Wars. In the spring of 168 war broke out in the Danubian border when the Marcomanni invaded the Roman territory. This war would last until 180, but Verus did not see the end of it. However, scholars believe that Verus may have been a victim of smallpox , as he died during a widespread epidemic known as the Antonine Plague. Despite the minor differences between them, Marcus Aurelius grieved the loss of his adoptive brother. He accompanied the body to Rome, where he offered games to honour his memory. After the funeral, the senate declared Verus divine to be worshipped as Divus Verus. Ilya Zlobin, world-renowned expert numismatist, enthusiast, author and dealer in authentic ancient Greek, ancient Roman, ancient Byzantine, world coins & more. Ilya Zlobin is an independent individual who has a passion for coin collecting, research and understanding the importance of the historical context and significance all coins and objects represent. Send me a message about this and I can update your invoice should you want this method. Getting your order to you, quickly and securely is a top priority and is taken seriously here. Great care is taken in packaging and mailing every item securely and quickly. What is a certificate of authenticity and what guarantees do you give that the item is authentic? You will be very happy with what you get with the COA; a professional presentation of the coin, with all of the relevant information and a picture of the coin you saw in the listing. Additionally, the coin is inside it’s own protective coin flip (holder), with a 2×2 inch description of the coin matching the individual number on the COA. Whether your goal is to collect or give the item as a gift, coins presented like this could be more prized and valued higher than items that were not given such care and attention to. Is there a number I can call you with questions about my order? When should I leave feedback? Please don’t leave any negative feedbacks, as it happens sometimes that people rush to leave feedback before letting sufficient time for their order to arrive. The matter of fact is that any issues can be resolved, as reputation is most important to me. My goal is to provide superior products and quality of service. How and where do I learn more about collecting ancient coins? Visit the “Guide on How to Use My Store” for on an overview about using my store, with additional information and links to all other parts of my store which may include educational information on topics you are looking for. You may also want to do a YouTube search for the term “ancient coin collecting” for educational videos on this topic. The item “LUCIUS VERUS Marcus Aurelius Co-Emperor Ancient Silver Roman Rome Coin i57971″ is in sale since Thursday, November 24, 2016. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “highrating_lowprice” and is located in Rego Park, New York. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Ruler: Lucius Verus
  • Composition: Silver

Mar 28 2018

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife Big Sestertius Rare Ancient Roman Coin i42135

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife Big Sestertius Rare Ancient Roman Coin i42135

FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife Big Sestertius Rare Ancient Roman Coin i42135

Item: i42135 Authentic Ancient Coin of. Faustina II – Roman Empress & Wife of Emperor Marcus Aurelius – 161-175 A. Bronze Sestertius 30mm (22.77 grams) Struck circa 161-175 A. HILARITAS / S – C. Hilaritas standing left with cornucopia and palm branch. Hilaritas was the goddess of rejoicing and good humor. Annia Galeria Faustina Minor (Minor Latin for the younger), Faustina Minor or Faustina the Younger. Between 125 and 130-175 was a daughter of Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius and Roman Empress Faustina the Elder. She was a Roman Empress and wife to her maternal cousin Roman Emperor Marcus Aurelius. Though Roman sources give a generally negative view of her character, she was held in high esteem by soldiers and her own husband and was given divine honours after her death. The item “FAUSTINA II Marcus Aurelius Wife Big Sestertius Rare Ancient Roman Coin i42135″ is in sale since Friday, August 15, 2014. This item is in the category “Coins & Paper Money\Coins\ Ancient\Roman\ Imperial (27 BC-476 AD)”. The seller is “highrating_lowprice” and is located in Rego Park, New York. This item can be shipped worldwide.
  • Ruler: Marcus Aurelius